[R-P] "No me vengan a hablar de democracia " , Putin

[Raúl Lilloy]

No entiendo el razonamiento, o quiere esto decir ¿que asesinos son los de
los dos bandos?
¿El de los putin y los anti-putin?
-----Mensaje original-----
De: reconquista-popular-bounces en lists.econ.utah.edu
[mailto:reconquista-popular-bounces en lists.econ.utah.edu] En nombre de Nestor
Gorojovsky
Enviado el: miércoles, 25 de octubre de 2006 0:10
Para: Reconquista-popular en lists.econ.utah.edu
Asunto: Re: [R-P] "No me vengan a hablar de democracia " , Putin

¡En segunda vuelta, esta lista vota Lula!

CITANDO LA FUENTE,EL MATERIAL DE ESTA LISTA ES DE LIBRE REPRODUCCIÓN 

Respuesta a:"[R-P] "No   me   vengan  a   hablar"
Enviado por:silvio ansaldi
Con fecha:24 Oct 2006, a las 16:19

> ¡En segunda vuelta, esta lista vota Lula!
> 
> CITANDO LA FUENTE,EL MATERIAL DE ESTA LISTA ES DE LIBRE REPRODUCCIÓN
> 
> Parece que el Kremlin se enojo con los representantes del imperialismo 
> actual ( globalizacion-neoliberal) que le cuestionaban  su 
> autoritarismo en Chechenia y Georgia ( con ingerencia extranjera e 
> imperialista)y su poca predisposicion a defender los derechos -humanos 
> Pero este le recordo lo ocurrido en la ex-Yugoslavia .
> 
> Silvio Ansaldi

Así es, Silvio.  Mirá la perlita que sigue:

Gentileza de la lista A-List

[No traduzco en su totalidad.  Pero el artículo que sigue, cuyo título se
pregunta "Quién mató a Ana Politkovskaya", revela ante todo la unanimidad
sin matices con que operó la prensa occidental ante este hecho (idéntica,
dicho sea de paso, a la que presidió la cobertura del escándalo en San
Vicente).  Todos condenaron a Putin y plantearon que la periodista asesinada
era una valiente e influyente trabajadora de prensa casada, solamente, con
la verdad.

En todo caso, el matrimonio le daba pocos hijos porque era una periodista
bastante poco conocida.  En cambio, la prensa occidental no dijo una palabra
en otros dos casos, lo que es muy revelador:

"Todos los diarios dieron a entender que la Sra. Politkovskaya fue asesinada
por aliados del presidente de Rusia debido a que informó la verdad sobre la
guerra en Chechenia.  Según ellos, Rusia es una cuasidictadura donde el
gobierno no tolera el disenso, y lo ilustraron refiriéndose -aunque en
términos extrañamente difusos- a la cantidad de periodistas que ya fueron
víctimas de similares asesinatos por encargo.
 
Y es precisamente aquí donde hay que plantar el índice sobre la página y
gritar "¡Mentirosos!".  Algunos de esos artículos contenían referencias
oblicuas al último periodista asesinado en Moscú, Paul Klebnikov, el editor
estadounidense de la revista Forbes.  Pero ninguno se tomó la molestia de
agregar que nadie ha siquiera llegado a sugerir que su muerte pueda
atribuirse al gobierno ruso.  Por el
contrario: mientras que Politkovskaya era una militante anti-Putin,
Klebnikov militaba contra los oligarcas.  Escribió un libro brillante sobre
Boris Berezovsky: uno de los libros que mejor informan sobre la "transición"
rusa de la década del 90.  Allí, acusaba a Berezovsky de asesinato y de
haber sido como la mano en el guante de los señores de la droga y gángsters
de Chechenia; publicó una serie de entrevistas con uno de los líderes
separatistas chechenos, a la que puso el poco diplomático título de
"Conversando con un bárbaro". Sus esfuerzos le valieron una bala en la
cabeza.  Nadie celebró su valentía en la prensa occidental al momento de
morir. Y téngase en cuenta que era un estadounidense.  Lo que pasa es que
había dedicado su vida a mostrar que la política de Occidente en Rusia se
basaba en una alianza con criminales muy peligrosos, y que los "empresarios"
que Occidente celebra como luchadores por la libertad -Berezovsky disfruta
de asilo político en Inglaterra - son en realidad una banda de asesinos
despiadados. 
N

El único periodista ruso asesinado que, a diferencia de Klebnikov y
Politkovskaya, todos los rusos conocían se llamaba Vlad Listyev; su nombre
es prácticamente desconocido en Occidente. 

Cayó bajo las balas de los asesinoe el 1 de marzo de 1995.  Entonces,
Listyev era el presentador del programa de periodismo televisivo más popular
del país, y una de las personas que más confianza inspiraban: 
una verdadera superestrella de la TV.  Acababan de nombrarlo director del
principal canal de TV de Rusia, el ORT (ahora Primer Canal).  
Pese a su inmensa fama, los medios occidentales jamás citaron su asesinato
como un ejemplo de intolerancia o falta de apego a la ley por parte del que
entonces era presidente, Boris Yeltsin.  No, al menos, como lo hacen ahora
con Putin.

Sin duda, esto se debe a que -para decirlo con los encantadores eufemismos
de la Wikipedia- "cuando Listyev sacó del negocio a los intermediarios de
las agencias de publicidad, quitó a muchos empresarios corruptos una fuente
de enormes ganancias".  Dicho en buen castellano, esto significa que la
mayor parte de los rusos creen que lo mató Boris Berezovsky -quien tomó
control de ORT inmediatamente después del asesinato, y en buen medida
gracias al
asesinato- o si no Vladimir Guzinski, un magnate de los medios rival, que al
igual que Berezovsky es un oligarca de tiempos de Yeltsin ahora exilado.  El
único periodista occidental que se planteó abierta y seriamente si el
contrato para asesinar a Listyev lo había firmado Berezovsky, Guzinsky, o el
factótum de la publicidad Serguei Lisovsky (aliado de Berezovsky) fue -qué
cosa rara- Paul Klebnikov".

El resto, sigue en la misma onda.  Pero con lo de arriba, creo, alcanza.
Versión completa en inglés, a continuación.]

fuente: http://www.sandersresearch.com/

Who killed Anna Politkovskaya?

By John Laughland
Oct/11/2006

In C. S. Lewis' science fiction dystopia, That Hideous Strength, the
secretive organization which controls the state has its agents writing in
newspapers on all sides of the political spectrum, in order to disguise its
power with the appearance of plurality. In today's West, by contrast, even
the appearance of plurality seems to have been discarded.

The murder on 7th October of the Russian journalist, Anna Politkovskaya, was
greeted with the monolithic unanimity which has now become the hallmark of
the so-called free press in the West. The right-wing Daily Telegraph devoted
a leader to her murder on 9th October, the first sentence of which was:

'People sometimes pay with their lives for saying out loud what they think,'
Anna Politkovskaya said last year of Vladimir Putin's Russia.

The same day, the left-wing Guardian also published a leader about her
murder. Its first sentence read:

'People sometimes pay with their lives for saying out loud what they think,'
Anna Politkovskaya told a conference on press freedom last December.

The whole of the British, American and West European press extolled
Politkovskaya as 'one of Russia's bravest and most brilliant journalists'
(The Guardian), 'one of the few voices that dared contradict the party line'
(The Daily Telegraph), 'a firebrand for freedom' (The Independent), 'the
most famous investigative journalist in Russia' (The Times), 'one of the
bravest journalists in Russia' 
(The New York Times); 'a victim of rare courage' (The Washington Post). All
these quotes are from the leader articles which each paper thought worth
devoting to her death. In reality, Politkovskaya was virtually unknown in
Russia. The reaction of a wealthy Russian businessman dining in Brussels on
the night of her murder was
typical:

'Politkovskaya? Never heard of her.'

Politkovskaya in this respect resembles another murdered Russian- speaking
journalist with connections in the Caucasus, Georgiy Gongadze, the Ukrainian
citizen with a Georgian surname whose murder in 2000 was instrumentalized by
the United States in an attempt to implicate the then Ukrainian president,
Leonid Kuchma. Politkvskaya was not quite as obscure as Gongadze: he ran a
mere web site (although this meant that when he traveled to Washington DC he
was received by the Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright) while the
newspaper where she worked, Novaya Gazeta, had a circulation of 250,000.
Still, that is not much in a country of nearly 150 million inhabitants and
certainly not enough to merit the exaggerated praise heaped posthumously
upon her.

The media in Britain and America also competed with one another to lay the
blame for the murder squarely at President Putin's door. The Financial Times
announced that,

'In a broad sense, Mr. Putin bears responsibility for creating, through the
Kremlin's long-standing assault on the independent media, an atmosphere in
which such killings can happen.'

The Washington Post asserted pompously that,

'It is quite possible, without performing any detective work, to say what is
ultimately responsible for these deaths: It is the climate of brutality that
has flourished under Mr. Putin.'

All papers implied that Mrs. Politkovskaya had been killed by allies of the
Russian President for reporting the truth about the war in Chechnya.
According to them, Russia is a quasi-dictatorship in which the government
brooks no dissent, and they illustrated this by referring back - albeit in
strangely vague terms - to the number of other journalists who have been
victims of similar contract killings.

It is here that we can put our fingers firmly on the page and shout,
'Liars!' Some of these articles contained glancing references to the last
journalist to have been killed in Moscow, the American editor of Forbes
magazine, Paul Klebnikov, but none of them bothered to add the key rider
that no one has ever suggested that the Russian government had Klebnikov
murdered. On the contrary:

whereas Politkovskaya was an anti-Putin militant, Klebnikov was an
anti-oligarch militant. He wrote a brilliant book about Boris Berezovsky -
one of the most informative books about Russia's 'transition' in the 1990s,
in which he accused Berezovsky of murder and of being hand in glove with
Chechen drug lords and gangsters - and he published a series of interviews
with one of the Chechen separatist leaders, which he undiplomatically
entitled 'Conversations with a barbarian'. He was rewarded for his efforts
with a bullet in the head. When he died, there were no paeans of praise for
his bravery or courage in the Western press, even though he was an American,
for Klebnikov had devoted his life to arguing that the West's policy in
Russia is based on an alliance with very serious criminals, and that the
'businessmen' whom the West champions as freedom fighters - Berezovsky has
political asylum in Britain - are in fact a bunch of ruthless murderers.

In contrast to both Klebnikov and Politkovskaya, the one murdered Russian
journalist whom all Russians had heard of when he died - and whose name is
virtually unknown in the West - was Vlad Listyev.

When he fell under the assassin's bullets on the night of 1st March 1995,
Listyev was Russia's most popular talk show host and one of the most trusted
people in the country - a genuine TV superstar. He had just become director
of Russia's main TV channel, ORT (now First Channel). In spite of Listyev's
immense fame, the Western media never cited his murder as an example of the
lawlessness or intolerance of the then president, Boris Yeltsin, in the way
that they now attack Putin.

This is doubtless because - to use the charming euphemisms of Wikipedia -
'When Listyev put the middlemen advertising agencies out of business, he
deprived many corrupt businessmen of a source for enormous profits.' In
plain English, this means that most Russians believe that Listyev was
murdered either by Boris Berezovsky - who took control of ORT immediately
after Listyev's murder, and in large measure because of it - or by Vladimir
Guzinski, a rival TV magnate who, like Berezovsky, is a Yeltsin-era oligarch
now in exile. The only journalist from the West who did discuss openly
whether the contract to kill Listyev had come from Berezovsky, Guzinsky or
Berezovsky's ally, the advertising mogul, Sergei Lisovsky, was, oddly
enough, Paul Klebnikov.

Politkovskaya's colleagues on Novaya Gazeta include notorious pro- American
commentators like the 'independent Moscow-based defense analyst,' Pavel
Felgenhauer, whose also works as a columnist for the Jamestown Foundation:
the Director of that body, Glen Howard, is Executive Director of the
American Committee for Peace in Chechnya, a neo-con outfit which campaigns
for a 'political settlement' with the terrorists in that North Caucasus
province of the Russian federation. 
This may explain why you can find only one opinion about Politkovskaya in
the Western media. At the same time, by contrast, there is a huge variety of
opinions about her murder in supposedly dictatorial Russia itself. The
theories now circulating in Moscow about Politkovskaya's murder include
(apart from the claim that the Russian government or the Chechen authorities
were responsible):

revenge by corrupt police who found themselves wanted or in prison as a
result of her sensationalist journalism; a conspiracy by opponents of the
Russian president and the Chechen Prime Minister, Ramzan Kadyrov, to
discredit them; revenge by former Chechen militants; a murder carried out by
Russian nationalist opponents of Putin (her name was on the death-lists of
various neo-Nazi groups); a political provocation designed to discredit the
Chechen authorities or trigger some movement in that troublesome province;
or a conspiracy by opponents of Russia from the former Soviet Republic of
Georgia with which Moscow is currently engaged in a fierce diplomatic row.

Take your pick - but the sheer variety of points of view gives the lie to
the claim that Politkovskaya was fighting a monolithic media machine
controlled by the government.

Among the many points of view expressed, few were pithier than this one from
a commentator for Lentacom.ru,

Politkovskaya's murder spells unambiguous benefits for the West. The past
month saw massive unofficial clampdown on Russia. Take the attempts to pull
Ukraine into NATO. Take the alliance's "intensive dialogue" with Georgia.
Take Saakashvili's behavior the President of Georgia, very humiliating for
Russia, which has been certainly agreed with the West. Theoretically,
Politkovskaya's murder diverts attention from Georgia and builds up western
pressures on Russia, something today's Georgia can only benefit from. Yet, I
believe that those who had ordered the crime are more global. There is no
immediate evidence somebody in the West issued direct instructions. 
It is beyond doubt, though, that the West is a direct beneficiary.

One does not have to believe this conspiracy theory, or any of the others.
But at least if one is Russian, the consumer of news has a large number of
different points of view to consider, all of which are easily accessible to
the ordinary Russian by buying the newspaper or looking at the Internet. In
the West, by contrast, even the most assiduous conspiracy theorist will have
great difficulty finding anything other than the party line that Mr. Putin
did it. Now, what does that tell you about the state of political and media
pluralism in the West?

Este correo lo ha enviado
Néstor Miguel Gorojovsky
nestorgoro en fibertel.com.ar
[No necesariamente es su autor]
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "La patria
tiene que ser la dignidad arriba y el regocijo abajo".
Aparicio Saravia
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 



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