[R-P] (Inglés) La huelga que nunca existió
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Mar Dic 24 08:17:15 MST 2002
No todos los medios yanquis odian a América Latina. He aquí un
The Narco News Bulletin3
December 23, 2002 | Issue #26
narconews.com - Reporting on the Drug War and Democracy from Latin
Christmas Comes Early in Caracas, Venezuela
Chronology of the Strike that Wasn't
By Al Giordano
December 22, 2002
Kind Reader: If at any time during December 2002 you were led to
believe that a "strike" occurred in Venezuela, and if you got the
impression that said "strike" was popular, national, or general, or
that it would topple the democratically-elected government of
President Hugo Chávez, somebody lied to you.
Juan Forero of the New York Times lied to you when he claimed there
was a "grueling national strike." T. Christian Miller of the Los
Angeles Times lied to you when he claimed there was "a nationwide
shutdown now." Nancy San Martin of the Miami Herald lied to you when
she claimed that, "the strike expanded Monday." Andy Webb-Vidal of
the Financial Times of London lied to you when he claimed that
Venezuela was "a country on the verge of collapse." That smarmy Brit
weasel Phil Gunson, interviewed on National Public Radio, lied to you
when he said, "uh, first of all it's not really fair to, to, uh, to
call it a coup attempt."
NPR to Gunson: "What's it like on the streets today?"
Gunson to NPR: "Well, I haven't been out on the streets very much."
All of these "desk reporters" and others like them, copying from each
other and from a corrupt Commercial Media in Venezuela (instead of
doing real reporting by interviewing real people and wearing out
their own precious shoe leather) tried to portray a series of
orchestrated media stunts and some isolated acts of sabotage by the
former ruling class as a massive nationwide action with popular
support. It wasn't. It was an "imagined strike," simulated, invented -
a fantasy repeated daily over three weeks so often that many people
began to believe that it was reality - the pinnacle example of
everything that is wrong with "pack journalism" in this day and
I repeat: The "strike" never happened. There was conflict. There were
marches. There was even eco-terrorism. Some events worth reporting
did happen, but they were not reported honestly by the Pinocchios of
the Commercial Media.
What did happen cannot honestly be called a "strike" (or a "general
strike," or a "national strike") or anything like it. The events of
December have been no more or less than the same group of people -
mainly from the upper classes - marching around obediently for
Commercial Media led spectacles, that have been marching around for
the past year. The size of their protests has not increased since
those of a year ago. I say to them, "keep marching around, it's a
free country." And the fact that they've been able to march
around daily in so many circles without being arrested or repressed
is evidence that Venezuela is, by any nation's standard, a very free
and tolerant country.
These people, the same people marching since a year ago without any
significant additions to their ranks, are playing make-believe;
they're not playing firemen or astronauts or beauty pageant
contestants like normal kids; from their little pink bubble, they
call themselves "strikers." And a few particularly elite ones call
They've been acting like children in a very literal way: Asking for
Mommy Bush or Daddy Military to trash their Constitution and remove,
by force, the president twice elected by their country's majority.
They have cynically - and led by oligarchs of Commercial Media who
write the script - tried to provoke the conditions for a coup d'etat.
They have every right to play-act and discover their "inner spoiled
brat." But they are not, by any reasonable definition, having a
This critique goes far beyond matters of semantics and how one
defines a "strike." Without question, the professional simulators of
the Commercial Media sat at their desks, or in their hotel rooms,
took dictation from the rich and powerful from Caracas to Washington,
and phoned it in.
In the isolated instances in which these simulators did interview
"real people," they were often led around by the nose-ring by
political consultants and other spin-doctors to give "credibility" to
staged "stories." (Think I'm kidding? See Narco News Associate
Publisher Dan Feder's analysis of the day that the NYT's Forero and
the LAT's Miller, in this country of 24 million people, amazingly
ended up interviewing the same two "real people" for their stories.)
But where there is smoke, there is at least some fire. Something
happened in Venezuela this month. So what did happen?
We now recount for you, kind reader, the facts available to working
reporters, but avoided by squalid desk reporters.
Day One, December 2nd:
A Failed "Strike" Attempt
For weeks prior to December 2nd, the Commercial Media in Venezuela
(and the lazy English-language media correspondents who take
dictation from it) could barely contain their gleeful anticipation of
yet another effort - the fourth in a year (the other three also
failed, although April's came too close for comfort) - to depose a
democratically elected government.
When we say "democratically elected government," we are on very firm
ground: In six elections over just four years, the Venezuelan People
have gone to the ballot box and voted, again and again and again and
again and again, for President Hugo Chávez, his allies in Congress,
and in favor of referenda supporting his policies and the Bolivarian
Constitution of 1999: the most democratic, pro-Human Rights, and pro-
freedom, Magna Carta in all América. (What? Forero and Miller didn't
tell you that?)
The former ruling class - having lost those six elections in four
years - announced what it called a "general strike" to begin on
December 2nd. The goal of the "strike": To depose President Chávez.
First they said they wanted a non-binding referendum on Chavez's
presidency. Then they said they wanted a binding vote. Then they said
August would not be soon enough. In recent days, their leader,
corrupt union boss Carlos Ortega (a leader of the April coup attempt)
told reporters that the goal is no longer a vote; he wants Chavez to
The organizers of this so-called "strike" are the very same
collection of slimy forces that backed the April coup d'etat and
Dictator-for-a-Day Pedro Carmona, who, once in power, abolished the
Supreme Court, the Congress, shut down Community TV and Radio
Stations, assassinated 50 political activists, and nullified the
Constitution. Carmona also freed the sniper-assassins who
had fired shots from rooftops on April 11th into crowds of people,
creating the pretext for what was, back then, a military coup. (Stay
tuned for our upcoming report about the undisclosed conflicts-of-
interest of one of the foreign reporters that helped to create this
pretext last April.)
That the same forces - the national chamber of commerce, the corrupt
oil executives' union bosses, and the dishonest commercial media in
Venezuela - were behind this latest "coup in strike's clothing"
should have been the first hint to the simulating foreign
correspondents - Juan Forero and T. Christian Miller (the Mary-Kate
and Ashley of El Hatillo), Nancy San Martin, and the English
mercenaries Andrew Webb-Vidal and Phil Gunson, cowering from
behind their desks, among others - that the effort was doomed to
By the night of the first day of the "strike," after reviewing the
real facts, Narco News reached this conclusion: The "strike" was, we
reported, "an abject failure, limited to wealthy neighborhoods while
the great majority of Venezuelans work and shop today in open
defiance of the strike call."
That's how it began, and that is how it has continued, for three
weeks. This thing was a non-starter from the get-go.
Yet, you would hardly be able to believe it, listening to the
shrieking of the Commercial Media. Ivan Roman of the Orlando Sentinel
(he's a rookie at covering Venezuela for English-language newspapers,
but give him time: his work reads like a CIA press release) claimed,
on December 4th, that, "Tensions escalated in Venezuela as the
opposition took its general strike to the streets." Ahem. They "took
it to the streets" because their "strike" wasn't succeeding in the
shops and workplaces. A march is not a strike. Hello?
The para-journalist Phil Gunson (one day in the Miami Herald, another
in the Christian Science Monitor, another in the St. Petersburg
Times) wrote in the Herald that the "strike" had not yet hit
Venezuela's major economic sector -oil- but that "it would." On the
second day, he took dictation:
"Although there were problems at some (oil) refineries, gas plants
and loading docks, due to the absence of personnel, sources said it
would be several days before the situation became critical."
Translation: "Nothing is happening. But something will happen. Thus
Kind reader, you have to learn to read between the lines.
Despite all the efforts by the Gunsons, the Foreros, the Millers (and
the other coup plotters of April and December), and the rest to give
mouth-to-mouth resuscitation to vampires, the "strike" was not a
strike on Day One, Day Two, Day Three, Day Four or Day Nineteen. In
fact, it has never been a "strike." Have I mentioned that there was
no strike this month in Venezuela?
During these days, the leaders of the "strike" that never happened
called repeatedly on the Venezuelan Armed Forces to force the elected
government out by violence and force.
The military, purged since last April of 400 officials who tried the
first coup d'etat, told the coup plotters to fuck off. Thus, the
first door slammed on December's coup plot. The soldiers - and this
is also unprecedented and good news for Latin America - said, "no, we
With their Daddy figure, the Armed Forces, unwilling to play the coup
game, all that was left then for the "Strike of the Spoiled Brats" to
do was to appeal to Mamá: The United States government and its Au
Pair, Cesar Gaviria, secretary-general of the Organization of
American States (OAS). The entire show of recent days has been a
desperate effort to create conditions - with the theatrical support
of Gaviria - that would allow military intervention by the United
States and whatever Soldiers of Fortune can be hired to rip a
democracy from a people's hands.
Twelve days ago we called on Gaviria to get the hell out of
Five days ago, the Permanent Council of his own Organization of
American states rebuked him, and, in doing so, rejected a major
Washington proposal (to force "early elections") for the first time
in OAS history.
Yesterday, finally, Gaviria finally got out of Dodge. ¡Hasta la
Poor Cesar: Limping back from his luxury lodgings in Caracas with no
peace agreement in hand and the deserved comeuppance by his own
organization is not going to help the Washington-backed campaign to
implant Gaviria to succeed Kofi Annan at the helm of the United
Nations. (Horrors! After what Gaviria did to Colombia, imagine what
he could do to the Middle East!)
For peace to Venezuela, Gaviria did not bring. He only brought lies
and confusion. Gaviria's presence merely delayed the day - the
wonderful day that has now arrived - in which the whole world
realizes that the Strike that Wasn't has failed to steal Christmas.
Is it any wonder that the day after Gaviria left down was the precise
day that peace and calm returned to Caracas?
They may not have gas in all the pumps, but every Who down in
Whooville is singing. One can just imagine Little Cesar in his hotel
suite, covering his ears while packing his bags: "Oh the noise, oh
the Noise, oh the Noise! Noise! Noise! Noise! That's the one thing he
hated! The NOISE! NOISE! NOISE! NOISE!"
Gaviria, with his dishonest quotes to the media and his stalling
tactics to give oxygen to the Strike That Wasn't did cause a lot of
problems in Venezuela. Mainly, in direct contradiction to his
purported reason for being there, he delayed many solutions that are
now, finally, occurring. Most -like getting the oil flowing to 100
percent capacity again- will be fixed in a matter of weeks.
Others - like the losses in human life - are the permanent
consequences of Cesar Gaviria's duet with the simulating Commercial
Day Four, December 6th:
The Gunman from Portugal
Historic memory of April's coup is important for understanding the
mentality of the same coup-mongers today. Last April 11th, suspicious
shots rang out from rooftops during a clash of pro and con
demonstrators. Nineteen human lives - the majority of them supporters
of the democratically elected government of Venezuela - were
As we will report in greater detail this week, one of the "reporters"
(Phil Gunson) that helped create the false impression that these
shots came from one side of the conflict - the Chávez side - helped
bring about a series of events based on knowingly false impressions
that was used to justify a military coup d'etat, and all the human
misery it entailed.
But for various hours beginning April 11th the coup-plotters had
succeeded, and they want to return to their jackbooted utopia when
Dictator-for-a-Day Pedro Carmona ruled by decree. So if you're
political infants like the make-believe "strikers," what do you do?
You try to repeat the same script!
The script was played out on Friday, December 6th, in Altamira Plaza,
home base of the pro-coup forces.
On that date, around 6 p.m., "opposition leader" Carlos Ortega was
holding his nightly press conference covered live on Globovision TV,
a key coup supporter. There - again, this was live, folks - he was
asked by a supposed reporter about gunshots that had just been fired
in Altamira Plaza.
Reporters: here's a chronological lead worth following; Venezuelan
citizen Valentin Herrera later told the Cuban daily Granma that the
timing of the live TV question was bizarre because it came before the
shots had been fired.
I don't know if that chronology accurately reflects the what happened
or not, but I do know that when statements like that, which are
damaging to the "opposition," are demonstrably false, the Foreros,
the Millers, the Gunsons and the other simulators are all over them
like a cheap suit. Their silence on that - and other - disturbing
facts about the violence of December 6th leads me to wonder.
There are some important facts, however, that we have been able to
confirm, and they directly contradict the Commercial Media's rush to
blame the shooting on Chávez and his supporters:
Shots were fired that evening at Altamira Plaza, the base of the
coup-mongers, against innocent civilians, this time all on the
opposition side. Three people were assassinated and 28 wounded.
That's a lot of shots fired purportedly by one gunman, but facts are
slow - even two weeks later - to dribble out of the opposition-
controlled Municipal Police, the first on the scene.
A shooter was apprehended. His ID had the name of "Joao de Gouveia,"
a Portuguese citizen. I put the name in quotation marks because it
now appears that either there are two "Joao de Gouveias" of
Portuguese descent in Caracas (not a common Venezuelan name), or that
the shooter was using a skillfully forged ID of the sort that
intelligence agencies are so talented at creating. (Days later,
members of the opposition chased, beat to a pulp,
and nearly lynched the other de Gouveia, a simple working man, also
of Portuguese descent, but who has lived 20 years in Caracas, even
though the shooter was - and is - still in jail. But this does give
us a glimpse into the irrationality of the opposition forces and the
results of the constant Commercial Media Psy-War upon their behavior
in Caracas this month.)
As reported above, Ortega was already on live TV, and without
receiving any facts, he immediately blamed the shooting on Chávez,
calling the president an assassin.
Ex-General Enrique Medina Gómez - one of the April coup leaders
relieved from his post, and at that moment in Altamira Plaza - also
blamed the shooting on Chávez and called on the Armed Forces, also
via live TV, to remove the President from office. In other words, he
called not for "elections," but for the opposition's real goal: a
The plot gets even more bizarre: Within a few hours of the shooting,
Globovision claimed to have a "home video" made by a citizen, that
showed the shooter "de Gouveia" next to the car of a pro-Chávez
official. The video had the date and time: Thursday, December 5th, at
2:17 a.m. The video, according to correspondents who had seen it,
taken in darkness, was fuzzy, but had someone with a clear
resemblance to the shooter - a red-haired, white-skinned man -
standing at 5 feet and six inches tall.
The shooter "de Gouveia," however, stands at 5 feet and nine inches
Globovision has not publicly made the "home video" available for
independent analysis by all sides.
With this strange "proof" the Commercial Media thereby concluded that
the shooter was from the Chávez camp (as if the Chávez forces would
have had any motive at all to repeat the horrible pro-coup script of
But the chronology that placed "de Gouveia" in Caracas at 2:17 a.m.
December 5th doesn't add up, and here's why: The tall red-headed "de
Gouveia" arrived in Caracas from Funchal on the Portuguese Island of
Madeira - 160 miles off the coast of Africa - at 4:30 p.m. later that
same day - 14 hours later than the alleged "home video" had been
taken. When the Venezuelan government made the immigration forms
public that showed this fact, it was accused of inventing it. But
days later - in a story not touched by the US or British
correspondents, but covered in the Portuguese press - the Portuguese
airlines TAP-Air Portugal confirmed that the man with the ID that
said "Joao de Gouveia" had been on its flight to Venezuela that day.
Do the math, kind reader: According to the TAP-Air Portugal website,
there is a Thursday direct flight lasting 7 hours and 25 minutes from
Funchal (at 12:15 Madeira Island time) to Caracas (at 4:15 Caracas
But the only flights from Caracas to Funchal on Thursdays make two
stops -Porto and Lisbon, Portugal- and last 12 hours and 35 minutes.
Even using a direct flight on his own chartered jet, it would still
have been mathematically impossible for "de Gouveia" or anybody to
have been in Caracas at 2:17 a.m., gone to the airport and flown to
Funchal and then turn around immediately and fly back to Caracas in
just 14 hours! Mathematically, the shooter "de Gouveia" could not
have been the same person in the Globovision "home video."
Does Globovision correct that evil distortion? Of course it does not.
The profile of the "de Gouveia" in custody also has the mark of what
some reporters have called a "deranged" individual: a classic
"patsy," unable to pull off such a stunt by himself. The opposition
will soon enough join in the change of portrayal of this shooter from
that of a professional government hit-man to that of a crazy: On a
video, "de Gouveia" did say that the same pro-coup General Medina
Gómez had paid him to shoot at his own crowd: That video was not
aired by Commercial TV stations in Venezuela.
There was an interesting story here for U.S. and British
correspondents to investigate and report on. They chose not to do so.
British correspondent Phil Gunson, in a December 18 letter to Narco
News complaining of our report about simulation by the Associated
Press, complained that "the fact that one or two government spokesmen
have claimed that gouveia was paid by the opposition doesn't turn it
into a 'credible theory' - especially when the only impartial
evidence we have (including that from gouveia's former
landlords) suggests he had links with the government."
Gunson, of course, is mongering rumor here without citing a single
documented or searchable fact to back up his rumor, since he has not
reported anything of the sort in his own published work, which would
bring a higher level of scrutiny and accountability to his claims.
Former landlords? Nobody is even sure who this tall red-haired
shooter is or if he previously did live in Venezuela; there's pretty
good evidence he's not the other Joao de Gouveia who has been there
for 20 years. Which "landlords," for which "de Gouveia," is Gunson
referring to? And why doesn't he investigate and publish his results
instead of confining his conspiracy theory to a letter to Narco
Well, Gunson's been caught at more serious ethical violations for a
journalist: We've sent him a list of questions with some of that
information and told him that we'll be publishing the questions -
hopefully with his answers, which we have offered to publish
uncensored and in full - in the week to come.
Of course, events, day by day, have turned so fast in Venezuela that
there's been little follow-up by Commercial Media on this or other
What is uncontested about the December 6th shooter, though, is that
the Chávez government has him imprisoned him while the investigation
continues -unlike what happened with the April 11th snipers who were
inexplicably allowed to walk free by Dictator-for-a-Day Carmona's
The Oil Sector Sabotage
There was, this month, one sector of oil company executives that
claimed they were on "strike," but who in fact have spent this month
actively working to lock-out rank-and-file employees and, according
to their own public statements, to facilitate the sabotage, including
eco-terrorism, of oil facilities.
According to public records at the Venezuela Secretary of Mining and
Energy (MEM, in its Spanish initials), these were the annual salaries
of the 22 major oil "strike" leaders, including their bonuses, paid
vacations, and other benefits, at the trough of the state-owned oil
company, Petroleum of Venezuela, or PdVSA:
Edgar Paredes makes 837 million bolivars a year ($643,000 U.S.
The lowest paid of these 22 ringleaders, Luis Ramírez, makes 310
million bolivars a year ($238,000 U.S. dollars).
The highest paid, Karl Mazeika, makes 990 million bolivars a year
The average annual salary of these 22 "strike" leaders is $426,000
U.S. dollars a year; almost 100 times the per capita income of the
average Venezuelan citizen of $4,760 dollars per year. In the
Venezuelan economy, $426,000 gives somebody more buying power than
people who make millions of dollars a year in the United States.
Check out the rest of their salaries in the Venezuelan currency of
Bolivars (at 1,300 bolivars to the dollar), here they are, the annual
booties of the oppressed "vanguard" of The Strike That Wasn't:
Luis Andrés Rojas: 688 million
Vincenzo Paglione: 979 million
Raúl Alemán: 687 million
Horacio Medina: 320 million
Juan Fernández: 399 million
Edgar Rasquin: 668 million
Rogelio Lozada: 410 million
Luis Matheus: 533 million
Carlos Machado: 542 million
Iván Crespo: 498 million
Luis Aray: 530 million
Andrés Riera: 508 million
Maria Lizardo: 444 million
Armando Izquierdo: 501 million
Luis Pacheco: 542 million
Gabriel García: 322 million
Francisco Bustillos: 643 million
Salvador Arrieta: 596 million
Armando Acosta: 471 million
Each of these oil executives, of course, had their own team of highly-
paid middle managers underneath them: controlling the paperwork, the
computers, the hiring and firing, and all other aspects of the
In recent weeks, they locked out the workers, and installed their own
men at key strategic points where sabotage has been committed to
facilities under their watch.
The "opposition" complains about graffiti on the wall of a Commercial
TV station and calls it "vandalism" or "violence." These guys,
meanwhile, have presided over the destruction of pumps, pipelines,
tankers and other ships, trucks, and other key points in the flow of
oil from the ground to the consumer, including to the United States.
If they had tried anything like this inside the United States, we
would see the White House calling them terrorists, locking them up in
Guantanamo Bay, and suing them for the millions of dollars of losses
that they have caused. Some of the members of the "oil-igarchy" have
made public statements that some oil supplies have been contaminated,
and some facilities have been booby-trapped to cause environmental
disaster if they are re-started.
Between the oil drilling facility and the gas pump there are many
stops along the road. Shut down or sabotage one of those points, and
you shut down the entire pipeline. That has certainly happened at
various points. But to hear the U.S. and British press
correspondents, the language of distortion always uses these events
to claim that there is somehow universal compliance with the strike
at every point in the pipeline. That is not the case, nor has it been
the case at any point during December 2002.
As the government is now firing these petrol-terrorists and retaking
tankers and other facilities, it has had to bring in licensed foreign
inspectors to make sure that environmental disaster doesn't occur
once the facilities are inevitably re-started, and to make sure that
the oil that is sent to the U.S. and elsewhere meets safety and
quality standards. Thus, the delays and the shortages in certain
regions: but none of the true facts reveal anything close to a
"strike" or "work stoppage" by the eco-terrorists who claimed to
be rank-and-file oil workers.
Even with so much sabotage, five tankers have already left for the
United States with crude oil. Hundreds of tanker-trucks have been
shipping gasoline to service stations all over Venezuela.
It's going to take a few more weeks to restore the situation to
normal; that will happen sometime in early 2003.
But what is unforgivable by the U.S. and British correspondents, like
the corrupt Commercial Media in Venezuela, is how they abused the
facts of these delays, withheld the true reasons for them from the
readers, to create the false impression that there was a "strike"
(when there was nor is none), that it was "growing" (when it was
not), and that the problems "increased" (when they did not) for the
democratically elected government.
When the final history is written of December 2002, it will be known
as the month that the Venezuelan democracy took its oil industry back
from a clique of over-paid and corrupt coup-plotters after the
executives tried to sabotage it. (Just as April 2002 is now
remembered as the month that the people brought the Armed Forces back
under democratic control; a fact that is underscored by the events of
December, in which the military, now purged of most of its "School of
the Americas" trained terrorists from previous administrations, has
behaved in an exemplary manner.)
To repeat: In April, the problem of military coup was solved by a
creative popular movement and its democratically elected leaders; in
December, the last gasp of elitist control of a nation's oil has
played itself out and the petrol-terrorists have been sent packing.
Also in December 2002, for the first time in history, the nations of
the entire hemisphere stood up to the United States executive branch
through the Organization of American States Permanent Council. There
were still games being played by the OAS secretary general Cesar
Gaviria and by the White House in continued efforts to destabilize
democracy in Venezuela, but they now have much less maneuvering room
today than they had a month ago or ever before. As reported: Gaviria
has already run from the scene of the crime. And come January, with
Brazil and Ecuador inaugurating popular presidents smart and savvy
enough to stand up to foreign intervention, this is already not
Bush's father's América.
This is history in the making. In the middle of the simulated "War on
Terrorism" and its Twin Tower, the "War on Drugs," being used by
cynical Power to get its way on every front, a grassroots democracy
movement in Venezuela, related to similar movements throughout our
América, has beaten the empire's advances.
Venezuela and América in 2003
What's in store?
With the Armed Forces and the oil industry returning to their
rightful owners - the Venezuelan people, through their democratic
electoral choices - and the maneuvering room for foreign intervention
now more limited than ever, the pro-coup and anti-democracy forces
still have one major weapon: The Commercial Media, within and without
Unless the Commercial Media surprises us with some kind of Glasnost
("Glass House") policy of its own (Gustavo Cisneros as Mikhail
Gorbachev? That would improve TV ratings!), the battle will now move
to the final obstacle to Authentic Democracy: The Media.
That's why, kind readers, it is so very important that you and I act
now to hold the Commercial Media simulators of 2002 accountable. We
must make sure the world knows who cannot be trusted, whose
credibility should be questioned loudly, who should forever be
reminded of their crimes of December 2002, and why. In the coming
weeks, I urge all readers, all fellow and sister Authentic
Journalists, to work hard to analyze the events of December 2002: to
name the names of the professional simulators, and document their
knowing falsehoods: to limit their maneuvering room to ever try to
steal anybody's Christmas again. And I'm not a religious person, but
I do think that real workers should be able to rest at least for this
The agenda for 2003 is clear: We must continue to break the
blockades by developing our own better routes of Community Media,
working together throughout the globe.
It is Sunday, December 22, and we've just survived, again, the
of the year in the Northern Hemisphere from Caracas to Washington. I
just got off the phone with our colleagues at Catia TV - the cutting-
Community TV station in Caracas - and the mood is joyful.
Our colleagues report that all is calm in Caracas. That although on
coup leader Carlos Ortega announced a march toward the presidential
palace at Miraflores to provoke a violent confrontation as his last
coup attempt, that nobody marched on Saturday and nobody is marching
The streets and malls are filled not with protesters, but with
many of whom are only strolling, perhaps window-shopping, holding
with their loved ones, showing great dignity and grace in the face of
economic damage the upper-class tantrum caused. Kitchens are
enjoy the warmth and scent of holiday meals. Kids are playing "soccer
games for peace" throughout the country and have announced that
everyone is welcome except for anyone on any side who wants to hijack
the event to make speeches.
Of course, our colleagues are at their watchtowers in the newsrooms
throughout the Venezuelan Community Media stations, vacation plans
cancelled, like ours at Narco News, we're all remaining vigilant,
every possible trick or trap by those who tried to steal Christmas in
2002. We're not complaining: Like Christmas, the beach will still be
here in 2003, somewhere in a country called América, that after the
Battle of December 2002, is an América more free.
Néstor Miguel Gorojovsky
nestorgoro en fibertel.com.ar
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"Aquel que no está orgulloso de su origen no valdrá nunca
nada porque empieza por depreciarse a sí mismo".
Pedro Albizu Campos, compatriota puertorriqueño de todos
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