[R-P] (en inglés) three suicides in 1991
Julio Fernández Baraibar
julfb en alternativagratis.com.ar
Mie Ago 28 19:48:32 MDT 2002
Marl Jones, ya se los he nombrado antes, envió a la a-list el siguiente
artículo publicado en Moscow News y firmado por Roy Medvedev. Medvedev
es un reconocido historiador marxista, disidente en tiempos de Brezhnev
y luchador por la democratización de la sociedad soviética, en el marco
del socialismo. Curiosamente, sus escritos, que antes de la caída del
muro de Berlín aparecían profusamente en la prensa occidental, incluído
nuestro provinciano Clarín, dejaron de aparecer después que el
capitalismo salvaje inició su inhumana marcha en Rusia tratando de
construir una burguesía, sobre la base del desmantelamiento del Estado
Soviético, proceso que entre otros efectos, bajó la expectativa de vida
de los ex ciudadanos soviéticos de 78 a 65 años, en un período menor a
los diez años.
Mevedev cuenta aquí la historia de tres suicidios ocurridos en Moscú
hace once años, durante los días del golpe de Estado que llevó al
borracho Yeltsin al poder e inició el proceso de disolución, ya no de la
Unión Soviética, sino de la Rusia histórica. Altos funcionarios
partidarios y militares, los tres dejaron en sus cartas postreras un
testimonio sobre sus convicciones y el futuro que se avecinaba para su
Esa vieja patria rusa es la que hoy está, como puede, deteniendo su
caída libre. Puttin, el antiguo hombre del espionaje, -¿leyeron a John
Le Carré?- pareciera que está poniendo al oso sobre sus pies. Sus
acuerdos con China y con Irak, su uso oportunístico de la alianza
anterrorista de Bush, para detener la secesión chechena a sangre y a
fuego, están dando cuenta de una realpolitik que tiene como eje impedir
que EE.UU. ocupen militar y políticamente el Cáucaso.
Sé que todo esto suena a soliloquio de un viejo coronel de inteligencia
de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que hojea un Atlas mientras fuma un puro y
saborea un oporto. Lean la nota y practiquen su inglés.
Julio Fernández Baraibar
julfb en sinectis.com.ar
> Moscow News
> August 21-27, 2002
> THREE SUICIDES
> By Roy Medvedev
> Every August, Russia recalls one of the most tragic pages in its
history - a
> coup staged by the State Committee for the State of Emergency, or
> Eleven years on, those events can be viewed more impartially, and so
> their masterminds and victims. Today their death arouses, at the most,
> compassion and regret
> The well-known historian offered MN an excerpt from his forthcoming
> Soviet Union: The Last Year of Life.
> "I put too much trust in people"
> Boris Pugo was appointed Soviet interior minister in December 1990, at
> 53. Soon afterward he was awarded the rank of colonel general. In
> those appointments, Mikhail Gorbachev made no secret of the fact that
> Lettish descent was as important to him as his personal and business
> qualities. Before taking up the main office at the Interior Ministry,
> had for three years been chairman of the CPSU Central Control
> Prior to that, first secretary of the Latvian Communist Party Central
> Committee and before that, chairman of the Latvian KGB. I met Boris
> the summer of 1989, when I was assigned to head a USSR Congress of
> Deputies investigation commission on corruption. Pugo seemed an
> well organized and decent man, but somewhat jittery and oversensitive
> or imagined attempts at belittling the role of leading Party agencies
> At the time few were afraid of Communist Party penalties or even
> from the Party while "partocrats" were at times attacked in the media
> more vigorously than the "dumb generals." Pugo was, above all, a
> Youth League and Party functionary, and did not particularly
> himself as interior minister or KGB chief.
> In 1991, the course of events inexorably pushed a person like Pugo
> protest and opposition. This was clear from, among other things, his
> presentations at the Supreme Soviet. In early August, the interior
> took a vacation, going to a sanitarium in the Crimea. In the morning
> August 18 he was spotted on the Black Sea beach, but in the evening of
> same day he returned to Moscow, joining the GKChP without any
> even though he was not a leading figure in it.
> The failure of the GKChP plan became obvious in the afternoon of
> and the RF Prosecutor Generals Office announced that all GKChP members
> be called to account. When he came home in the evening, Pugo found
> top-level internal government telephones had been cut off.
> He and his wife, Valentina, went upstairs to the apartment of their
> Vadim, an engineer, whose family lived in the same building on the
> floor. Their conversation was a sad one: In effect, Pugo was saying
> to his son and daughter-in-law, but at that stage the reference was to
> inevitable arrest. Prior to that, however, Valentina had asked her
> exactly where in their apartment weapons were hidden, for she would
> another minute after he was gone.
> No one knows what the couple talked about during that night. In the
> of August 22, at 9 a.m., Boris Pugo called his deputies at the
> Ministry to ask how they were getting along. Asked whether the
> come to the office that day, Pugo replied with a question, "Whatever
> the end of the conversation he asked them to give his best regards to
> Boris Gromov, his first deputy. Before long, Pugo received a call on
> line from Russian intelligence services: "Could we have a meeting with
> Viktor Barannikov and Viktor Yerin, generals from Boris Yeltsins inner
> circle, were looking for him. Pugo said: "Come over to my place."
> When they arrived, the door was opened by an old man - Boris Pugos
> father-in-law. "Something terrible has happened," he said. "Come in."
> minister was lying on his bed with blood flowing from his temple. His
> was sitting on the floor, by the other bed. She also had a head wound,
> was still alive and died at the hospital without regaining
> Both had left notes before shooting themselves. "I put too much trust
> people," he wrote. "I have honestly lived my life." Valentina Pugo was
> more laconic: "I do not want to live anymore. Do not condemn us. Take
> grandpa. Mother." An inquiry concluded that it was a suicide.
> The Pugos funeral took place in Moscow two days later, almost
> A Marshals Death
> The day Pugo and his wife were buried, Saturday, August 24, Marshal
> Akhromeev, 68, Hero of the Soviet Union and military advisor to the
> president, committed suicide in his office in the Moscow Kremlins Unit
> Akhromeev had no weapons at hand, but he could not and did not want to
> He hanged himself using a nylon curtain rope, one end of which he had
> a massive copper handle on a high window frame.*
> On Saturday there was no secretary in the reception room in front of
> marshals office, and his body was not discovered until late in the
> by an officer from the Kremlin commandants office who was to inspect
> premises in his charge. Investigators from the Military Prosecutors
> with a video camera were immediately called to the scene. All safes
> locked. There were six hand-written notes on the marshals desk - two
> for his family and one with a request to pay his debt to the Kremlin
> cafeteria (the money was lying nearby). A separate note explained the
> for his action. "I am unable to live on when my Motherland is dying
> everything that I have thought to be the whole point of my existence
> destroyed. My age and my entire life give me the right to leave. I
> fought to the last."
> Akhromeev was not a member of the GKChP. He did not learn about the
> of the committee until the morning of August 19, when he, his wife,
> grandchildren were vacationing in Sochi. But Akhromeev decided to
> Moscow, leaving his family at the sanitarium. In the evening of August
> the marshal was at the Kremlin, where he met with Vice President
> Yanayev at 10 p.m. Akhromeev said that he supported the GKChPs appeal
> ready to help. He spent the night at his dacha, where his younger
> lived with her family. The marshal worked the whole of August 20 at
> Kremlin and the Defense Ministry, collecting information about the
> military-political situation in the country. Akhromeev slept on a cot
> office. He phoned his daughters and wife in Sochi from his office.
> On August 21 it became clear that the GKChP had failed, but Akhromeev
> realized that even earlier. On August 22 he learned about Gorbachevs
> and the arrest of Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov. Akhromeev did not
> Gorbachev. He began writing a letter to Gorbachev as well as the text
> statement at a Supreme Soviet session, set for August 26. There were
> of notes on that score in the notebook that was later given to his
> "Why did I return to Moscow from Sochi? No one had ordered me to come.
> sure that this adventurous plan would fail, and I saw my misgivings
> when I arrived in Moscow. But our country has been heading for
> since 1990. Gorbachev is dear to me, but dearer still is the
> least, let a mark be left in history: There was a protest against the
> destruction of such a great state."
> According to the marshals daughters, Natalya and Tatyana, in the
> August 23, their father did not look distressed. They all met at
> had bought a large melon and were discussing the latest developments.
> marshal went to the Kremlin at 9 a.m., promising to take his
> for a walk in the evening. From his Kremlin office, he talked to
> about meeting her mother, who was arriving at 3 p.m. An hour later,
> Akhromeev was dead.
> As can be judged from his notes, the marshal was already considering
> committing suicide on August 23, but had not yet made up his mind. In
> morning of August 24, radio and television broadcast a statement by
> Gorbachev, who announced that he was stepping down as secretary
> the CPSU Central Committee and called for self-dissolution of the CPSU
> Central Committee. Some of the marshals friends thought it had been
> straw - the method of suicide was too unusual for a military man.
> Marshal Akhromeev was a good military leader, greatly respected in the
> military and in the Party. During World War II he began, in 1941, as
> platoon commander, ending up as battalion commander. In 1979-88, he
> deputy chief and then chief of the General Staff and first deputy
> minister of the USSR. He oversaw the planning of military operations
> Afghanistan at all stages, including the withdrawal. Akhromeev was the
> expert at arms reduction negotiations while Gorbachev admitted that
> Akhromeev the negotiations would have been less successful.
> The marshal was greatly upset by the anti-military campaign conducted
> large part of the media in 1989-90 without any objections from
> Akhromeev often took up the issue at sessions of the Congress of
> Deputies and the USSR Supreme Soviet. I discussed these matters with
> Akhromeev in his office on several occasions.
> The marshals suicide was not announced on television until the evening
> August 25; on August 26, newspapers reported on it in some more
> citing the Prosecutor Generals Office to the effect that investigation
> progress. There was no obituary even after August 26. Neither the
> nor the newly appointed defense minister expressed condolences in
> Akhromeevs death.
> The greatest concern about the fate of the late marshal was shown by
> Admiral William J. Crowe, who was chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
> the Reagan administration. Crowe had spent a considerable amount of
> Akhromeev at various negotiations on military matters and treated him
> great respect. The admiral tried calling Akhromeevs family several
> without success. In the end he asked some U.S. journalists he knew in
> to find the late marshals wife and daughters in the Soviet capital and
> his condolences to them. He also asked for a wreath to be laid at his
> colleagues grave. Adm. W. Crowe wrote the first long obituary in
> Marshal A.F. Akhromeev, publishing it in Time magazine.
> The article in Time was accompanied by a photo that showed Marshal
> and Admiral Crowe at a military exercise watching an air assault
> In 1991, Akhromeev co-authored - with his friend Georgy Korniyenko, a
> diplomat - a small book, Through the Eyes of a Marshal and a Diplomat,
> was published in 1992 with the marshals name on the title page placed
> black box.
> "I am not a traitor, but I am afraid"
> Early in the morning of August 26, 1991, on the pavement near the
> to No. 13 Plotnikov Pereulok, where only the most high-ranking CPSU
> Committee officials and some ministers lived, was found the body of
> Kruchina, a member of the CPSU Central Committee and administrator of
> Central Committee affairs, closely associated with Mikhail Gorbachev.
> Kruchinas apartment was on the fifth floor.
> Kruchina was dead, and preliminary examination of the body and the
> study showed that he had committed suicide. His wife and younger son
> still in their bedrooms, and everything they were told at 6 a.m. came
> terrible shock to them. When they had gone to bed, their husband and
> was still in his study. He had so much work to do that in the last few
> he had hardly had any sleep. Two notes written before his death were
> immediately. One of them lay on the coffee table in the hall. The
> more detailed one, was found on his body in the course of an
> the hospital. "I am not a traitor or conspirator," Kruchina wrote,
"but I am
> afraid..." He also declared his loyalty to Gorbachev. He had a clear
> conscience and asked this to be made known to the people.
> Kruchinas suicide provoked plenty of speculation. He had been in
> all CPSU bank accounts at home and abroad. Unlike in the case of Pugo
> Akhromeev, all premises where Nikolai Kruchina had worked were
> searched. His apartment in Plotnikov Pereulok was subjected to an
> careful search, which was conducted by a team of criminologists under
> supervision of three chief investigators from the USSR Prosecutors
> in the presence of the prosecutor of Moscows Leninsky district. No
> the presence of unauthorized persons were discovered in Kruchinas
> Neither were there any signs that any papers or documents might have
> destroyed. Quite the contrary, it became clear that after August 19,
> Kruchina had moved many of the papers from safes in Staraya Ploshchad
> apartment. But all of those folders with documents were in order with
> appropriate inscriptions on their covers and authentic signatures by
> high-ranking officials. Those materials were seized and appropriate
> Nikolai Kruchinas office at the CPSU Central Committee was not quite
> In the evening of August 23, Gorbachev, who had returned from the
> ordered Kruchina to tie up the loose ends, in particular pay wages to
> apparatus workers for two to three months and issue them work record
> Kruchina, however, was unable to comply as the large six-story
> the Administration of Affairs on Staraya Ploshchad was closed.
> After Kruchinas suicide, his office and all the other main offices at
> CPSU Central Committee were sealed, including the famous Room 6 on the
> floor of the main Central Committee building - the office of the
> general of the CPSU Central Committee who had resigned.
> The assets that Kruchina was in charge of were vast: thousands of
> residential buildings, hundreds of out-of-town dacha estates, dozens
> vehicles, and a large number of sanitariums, holiday hotels, and
> The Party controlled about 200 publishing houses that printed books,
> newspapers, and magazines. The CPSU provided considerable financial
> assistance to many Communist Parties abroad, funding a great number of
> various projects. The Partys financial operations were built not only
> membership dues or proceeds from the sale of print publications.
> therefore, had serious cause to expect less-than-pleasant questioning,
> not only on the GKChP case.
> Fortunately, there were not many victims in the GKChP coup, but they
> symbolic. Nikolai Kruchina represented the Party; Sergei Akhromeev,
> military, and Boris Pugo, the KGB and the Interior Ministry.
> The young Muscovites who were buried on August 24 - also three -
> new Russian democracy. It came to us with plenty of flaws, defects,
> mistakes, but it did not divide society into Reds and Whites. On
> formal receptions at the Kremlin in the past two years we could see
> Gorbachev and Yeltsin but also such people as V. Varennikov, D. Yazov,
> Lukyanov. All of these people are OAPs now, but they have yet to
> politics. GKChP members Vasily Starodubtsev and Col. Gen. Boris
> deputy and prior to that a close associate of Akhromeev, are
Más información sobre la lista de distribución Reconquista-Popular