[R-G] El Salvador votes away its bad past

Anthony Fenton fentona at shaw.ca
Sat Mar 21 10:02:55 MDT 2009


http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/mar/18/el-salvador-election

El Salvador votes away its bad past

The left's electoral victory put an end to US meddling and proved that  
Salvadoran democracy is no regional threat
Comments (…)

     * Mark Weisbrot
     *
           o Mark Weisbrot
           o guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 18 March 2009 23.00 GMT

Last Sunday's election in El Salvador, in which the leftist FMLN  
(Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) won the presidency,  
didn't get a lot of attention in the international press. It's a  
relatively small country (7 million people on land the size of  
Massachusetts) and fairly poor (per capita income about half the  
regional average). And left governments have become the norm in Latin  
America: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Paraguay, Uruguay and  
Venezuela have all elected left governments over the last decade.  
South America is now more independent of the United States than Europe  
is.

But the FMLN's victory in El Salvador has a special significance for  
this hemisphere.

Central America and the Caribbean have long been the United States'  
"back yard" more than anywhere else. The people of the region have  
paid a terrible price – in blood, poverty and underdevelopment – for  
their geographical and political proximity to the United States. The  
list of US interventions in the area would take up the rest of this  
column, stretching from the 19th century (Cuba, in 1898) to the 21st,  
with the overthrow of Haiti's democratically elected president Jean- 
Bertrand Aristide (for the second time) in 2004.

Those of us who can remember the 1980s can see President Ronald Reagan  
on television warning that "El Salvador is nearer to Texas than Texas  
is to Massachusetts" as he sent guns and money to the Salvadoran  
military and its affiliated death squads. Their tens of thousands of  
targets – for torture, terror and murder – were overwhelmingly  
civilians, including Catholic priests, nuns and the heroic archbishop  
Oscar Romero. It seems ridiculous now that Reagan could have convinced  
the US Congress that the people who won Sunday's election were not  
only a threat to our national security, but one that justified  
horrific atrocities. But he did. At the same time millions of  
Americans – including many church-based activists – joined a movement  
to stop US support for the terror, as well as what the United Nations  
later called genocide in Guatemala, along with the US-backed  
insurgency in Nicaragua (which was also a war against civilians).

Now we have come full circle. In 2007, Guatemalans elected a social  
democratic president for the first time since 1954, when the CIA  
intervened to overthrow the government. Last September, President  
Zelaya of Honduras – which served as a base for US military and  
paramilitary operations in the 1980s – joined with Bolivia's Evo  
Morales and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez when they expelled their US  
ambassadors. Zelaya defended their actions and postponed the  
accreditation of the US ambassador to Honduras, saying that "the world  
powers must treat us fairly and with respect". In 2006 Nicaraguans  
elected Daniel Ortega of the Sandinistas, the same president that  
Washington had spent hundreds of millions of dollars trying to topple  
in the 1980s.

El Salvador's election was not only another step toward regional  
independence but a triumph of hope against fear, much as in the US  
presidential election of 2008. The ruling ARENA party, which was  
founded by right-wing death squad leader Roberto D'Aubuisson, made  
fear their brand: fear of another civil war, fear of bad relations  
with the United States, fear of a "communist dictatorship". Almost  
comically, they tried to make the election into a referendum on Hugo  
Chávez. (Venezuela kept its distance from the election, with no  
endorsements or statements other than its desire to have good  
relations with whomever won.)

ARENA was joined by Republican members of Congress from the United  
States, who tried to promote the idea that Salvadorans – about a  
quarter of whom live in the US – would face extraordinary problems  
with immigration and remittances if the FMLN won. Although these  
threats were completely without merit, the right's control over the  
media made them real for many Salvadorans. In the 2004 election the  
Bush administration joined this effort to intimidate Salvadoran  
voters, and it helped the right win.

The right's control over the media, its abuse of government in the  
elections and its vast funding advantage (there are no restrictions on  
foreign funding) led José Antonio de Gabriel, the deputy chief of the  
European Union's observer mission, to comment on "the absence of a  
level playing field". It's amazing that the FMLN was still able to  
win, and testimony to the high level of discipline, organisation and  
self-sacrifice that comes from having a leadership that has survived  
war and hell on earth.

This time around, the Obama administration, after receiving thousands  
of phone calls – thanks to the solidarity movement that stems from the  
1980s – issued a statement of neutrality on the Friday before the  
election. The administration appears divided on El Salvador as with  
the rest of Latin America's left: at least one of Obama's highest- 
level advisors on Latin America favoured the right-wing ruling party.  
But the statement of neutrality was a clear break from the Bush  
administration.

El Salvador's new president, Mauricio Funes – a popular former TV  
journalist – will face many challenges, especially on the economic  
front. The country exports 10% of its GDP to the United States, and  
receives another 18% in remittances from Salvadorans living there.  
Along with sizeable private investment flows, this makes El Salvador  
very vulnerable to the deep US recession. El Salvador has also adopted  
the US dollar as its national currency. This means that it cannot use  
exchange rate policy and is severely limited in monetary policy to  
counteract the recession. On top of this, it has recently signed an  
agreement with the International Monetary Fund that commits the  
government to not pursuing a fiscal stimulus for this year. And the  
FMLN will not have a majority in the Congress.

But the majority of Salvadorans, who are poor or near-poor, decided  
that the left would be more likely than the right to look out for them  
in hard times. That's a reasonable conclusion, and one that is shared  
by most of the hemisphere.

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About this article
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Mark Weisbrot: Sunday's elections changed El Salvador's history
This article was first published on guardian.co.uk at 23.00 GMT on  
Wednesday 18 March 2009. It was last updated at 23.00 GMT on Wednesday  
18 March 2009.
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