[R-G] El Salvador votes away its bad past
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Sat Mar 21 10:02:55 MDT 2009
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/mar/18/el-salvador-election
El Salvador votes away its bad past
The left's electoral victory put an end to US meddling and proved that
Salvadoran democracy is no regional threat
Comments (…)
* Mark Weisbrot
*
o Mark Weisbrot
o guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 18 March 2009 23.00 GMT
Last Sunday's election in El Salvador, in which the leftist FMLN
(Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) won the presidency,
didn't get a lot of attention in the international press. It's a
relatively small country (7 million people on land the size of
Massachusetts) and fairly poor (per capita income about half the
regional average). And left governments have become the norm in Latin
America: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Paraguay, Uruguay and
Venezuela have all elected left governments over the last decade.
South America is now more independent of the United States than Europe
is.
But the FMLN's victory in El Salvador has a special significance for
this hemisphere.
Central America and the Caribbean have long been the United States'
"back yard" more than anywhere else. The people of the region have
paid a terrible price – in blood, poverty and underdevelopment – for
their geographical and political proximity to the United States. The
list of US interventions in the area would take up the rest of this
column, stretching from the 19th century (Cuba, in 1898) to the 21st,
with the overthrow of Haiti's democratically elected president Jean-
Bertrand Aristide (for the second time) in 2004.
Those of us who can remember the 1980s can see President Ronald Reagan
on television warning that "El Salvador is nearer to Texas than Texas
is to Massachusetts" as he sent guns and money to the Salvadoran
military and its affiliated death squads. Their tens of thousands of
targets – for torture, terror and murder – were overwhelmingly
civilians, including Catholic priests, nuns and the heroic archbishop
Oscar Romero. It seems ridiculous now that Reagan could have convinced
the US Congress that the people who won Sunday's election were not
only a threat to our national security, but one that justified
horrific atrocities. But he did. At the same time millions of
Americans – including many church-based activists – joined a movement
to stop US support for the terror, as well as what the United Nations
later called genocide in Guatemala, along with the US-backed
insurgency in Nicaragua (which was also a war against civilians).
Now we have come full circle. In 2007, Guatemalans elected a social
democratic president for the first time since 1954, when the CIA
intervened to overthrow the government. Last September, President
Zelaya of Honduras – which served as a base for US military and
paramilitary operations in the 1980s – joined with Bolivia's Evo
Morales and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez when they expelled their US
ambassadors. Zelaya defended their actions and postponed the
accreditation of the US ambassador to Honduras, saying that "the world
powers must treat us fairly and with respect". In 2006 Nicaraguans
elected Daniel Ortega of the Sandinistas, the same president that
Washington had spent hundreds of millions of dollars trying to topple
in the 1980s.
El Salvador's election was not only another step toward regional
independence but a triumph of hope against fear, much as in the US
presidential election of 2008. The ruling ARENA party, which was
founded by right-wing death squad leader Roberto D'Aubuisson, made
fear their brand: fear of another civil war, fear of bad relations
with the United States, fear of a "communist dictatorship". Almost
comically, they tried to make the election into a referendum on Hugo
Chávez. (Venezuela kept its distance from the election, with no
endorsements or statements other than its desire to have good
relations with whomever won.)
ARENA was joined by Republican members of Congress from the United
States, who tried to promote the idea that Salvadorans – about a
quarter of whom live in the US – would face extraordinary problems
with immigration and remittances if the FMLN won. Although these
threats were completely without merit, the right's control over the
media made them real for many Salvadorans. In the 2004 election the
Bush administration joined this effort to intimidate Salvadoran
voters, and it helped the right win.
The right's control over the media, its abuse of government in the
elections and its vast funding advantage (there are no restrictions on
foreign funding) led José Antonio de Gabriel, the deputy chief of the
European Union's observer mission, to comment on "the absence of a
level playing field". It's amazing that the FMLN was still able to
win, and testimony to the high level of discipline, organisation and
self-sacrifice that comes from having a leadership that has survived
war and hell on earth.
This time around, the Obama administration, after receiving thousands
of phone calls – thanks to the solidarity movement that stems from the
1980s – issued a statement of neutrality on the Friday before the
election. The administration appears divided on El Salvador as with
the rest of Latin America's left: at least one of Obama's highest-
level advisors on Latin America favoured the right-wing ruling party.
But the statement of neutrality was a clear break from the Bush
administration.
El Salvador's new president, Mauricio Funes – a popular former TV
journalist – will face many challenges, especially on the economic
front. The country exports 10% of its GDP to the United States, and
receives another 18% in remittances from Salvadorans living there.
Along with sizeable private investment flows, this makes El Salvador
very vulnerable to the deep US recession. El Salvador has also adopted
the US dollar as its national currency. This means that it cannot use
exchange rate policy and is severely limited in monetary policy to
counteract the recession. On top of this, it has recently signed an
agreement with the International Monetary Fund that commits the
government to not pursuing a fiscal stimulus for this year. And the
FMLN will not have a majority in the Congress.
But the majority of Salvadorans, who are poor or near-poor, decided
that the left would be more likely than the right to look out for them
in hard times. That's a reasonable conclusion, and one that is shared
by most of the hemisphere.
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Mark Weisbrot: Sunday's elections changed El Salvador's history
This article was first published on guardian.co.uk at 23.00 GMT on
Wednesday 18 March 2009. It was last updated at 23.00 GMT on Wednesday
18 March 2009.
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