[R-G] Backstage at the theater of 'terror'
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Thu Feb 26 14:32:13 MST 2009
South Asia
Feb 27, 2009
THE ROVING EYE
Backstage at the theater of 'terror'
By Pepe Escobar
Afghanistan is not only the graveyard of empires; it's a graveyard of
misconceptions.
Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden believed that the mujahideen single-
handedly defeated the Soviet empire; so a more compact mujahid band,
al-Qaeda, would be the vanguard in defeating the American empire. It
was never that simple.
In the United States, the myth rules that the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) delivered the Soviets "their Vietnam"; thus this was
basically a US victory, with the "freedom fighters" (copyright
president Ronald Reagan) as supporting actors. It was never that simple.
The Pakistani military-intelligence establishment believes since the
late 1970s, that a puppet Afghanistan was essential for its "strategic
depth". It was never that simple.
It's also useful to remember today that little has changed regarding
the Afghan tragedy in these past three decades. And that makes the
upcoming US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) surge in
Afghanistan a certified road to ruin.
Behind the red curtain
It's easy to forget in the US that Soviet intelligence in late 1979
was more than aware of an imminent anti-Soviet pact between China and
the US - crystallizing what the USSR feared the most: to be encircled
by enemy powers.
There were, of course, Afghan political elements that forced the
Soviet hand. Moscow was keen to support a communist government in
Kabul, and was very wary of the Islamic revolution being exported from
Iran to western Afghanistan.
But there was also the fact that around 100 top Soviet officials -
including three KGB colonels - had been assassinated by tribal
fundamentalists in plain sight of then-resident Hafizullah Amin's
government. (After the Soviet invasion Amin was dispatched to the
Lubyanka, the KGB's headquarters in Moscow, and tortured: he had made
such a mess in Kabul that he was believed to be a CIA agent. Amin was
finally executed by "administrative process" - a shot in the back of
the neck.)
Former US president Jimmy Carter's national security advisor Zbigniew
Brzezinski - today a President Barack Obama foreign policy shadow
eminence - of course instrumentalized the mujahideen. After all, what
Zbig really wanted - and got - was "to induce a Soviet military
intervention".
But when Carter got his invasion, he interpreted it as the USSR really
wanting to invade the Persian Gulf and cut off the oil supply of "our"
Western world. Few sane voices in the US remarked that if the USSR
ever attempted such a move that would mean a nuclear war with the US.
Historian, diplomat, strategist and US foreign policy establishment
icon George Kennan - the author of the "containment" of communism
strategy - was one of these voices; he dismissed Carter as "immature".
Kennan also made two points that remain extremely valid today; that if
the Persian Gulf was so "vital" for the US, that was because of US oil
greed; and that instability in the Middle East was not due to USSR
moves but to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with the US blindly
backing one side.
When in doubt, pre-empt
Most of all, from the Soviet point of view, the invasion of
Afghanistan was classic pre-emptive action - a sort of replay of the
Cuban missile crisis. In 1962, Fidel Castro informed Moscow that the
US was preparing the invasion of Cuba. The Soviet high command then
came up with a pre-emptive action - deploying the missiles with the
understanding that they would be sent back home if president John F
Kennedy protested, thus winning Cuba's inviolability in the process.
In the invasion of Afghanistan, which had had pro-communist or pro-
Soviet governments for the past few years - although its support by
Moscow was no exactly enthusiastic - the Soviets were pre-empting the
possibility that via a pact with the US, China would enter Afghanistan
on the trail of its ally, ultra-conservative Pakistan, and probably
using American money.
Thus the Soviet action was justified in terms of its survival
strategy. Pakistan at the time was already involved in an operation -
alongside China and the US - against political and social sectors in
Afghanistan. With the invasion of Afghanistan and Indira Gandhi's
electoral victory in India, the USSR created a pawn.
What nobody could imagine in 1979 was that the mighty Red Army would
be, if not defeated, at least paralyzed by a bunch of mountain
warriors with rifles. As for Pakistan, its master plan was always to
control Afghanistan, even indirectly, in the name of its "strategic
depth" theory (and that has not changed to this day).
The influence of leftist movements in Afghanistan could be seen
already in a more-or-less free election in 1954, when the left elected
50 congressmen out of a total of 120. A good deal of these leftists
were nationalists and radical Islamists. The USSR had been helping
Afghanistan ever since the October 1917 revolution. As much as Moscow,
Mohammed Daoud - who dethroned his cousin, King Zahir Shah, in 1973 -
wanted to modernize Afghanistan by force. The precedent was not very
encouraging, namely the failure of King Amanullah in 1919, also
supported by the Russians.
Even if Washington under Obama would be interested today (and it's
not), modernization of Afghanistan by force also would not work. What
would be really needed is hardcore nation-building - lots of
investment in education and infrastructure that would generate real
employment opportunities, while making sure the money does not
disappear in the Kabul bureaucracy's ministerial black hole.
To promote socialism, progress or simply democracy in Afghanistan just
by distributing aid - without fundamentally changing a centuries-old
social structure - is impossible. This was - and will continue to be -
the key to the Afghan riddle, and the main reason why the Obama/
Pentagon/NATO surge, full or half-full, will fail.
Losing a 'revolutionary civil war'
As for the end of the Soviet invasion/occupation a little over 20
years ago, the dynamic had changed compared to the late 1970s. There
was a detente in place with both the US and China. A US myth rules
that the Soviets abandoned Afghanistan because the US (and Pakistan,
plus Saudi Arabian money) manipulated the largest guerrilla war of the
20th century, whose coup de grace were those precious Stinger missiles
the CIA finally shipped to the mujahideen.
That was only one among a myriad of reasons, all related to a
compounded Soviet financial disaster: the fall in oil and gas prices;
the fallout from Chernobyl; a horrible earthquake in Armenia; a very
bad performance in agriculture; and the perestroika paralysis.
By early 1989, a majority of Russians considered the invasion of
Afghanistan in December 1979 as a major mistake. Plus they had to
count their dead. In the first wave the dead were Uzbeks, Tajiks,
Turkmen and Kyrgyz. Then they were Belorussians, Ukrainians, Estonians
and, yes, Russians.
Since the peace of Brest Litovsk in 1918, the Soviets had never
suffered a politico-military defeat. For the official ideologues close
to former Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev, this was a not a war of
conquest, but a revolutionary civil war with the "internationalist"
help of the USSR.
But this "revolutionary civil war" was ultimately won by a bunch of
Muslim tribals - Rabbani, Khalis, Abdul Haq, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar,
Ahmad Shah Masoud, Ishmail Khan - and their commanders. (It's
interesting to remember that Abdul Haq was later killed by the
Taliban, Masoud was killed by al-Qaeda two days before 9/11, Ishmail
Khan still rules in western Afghanistan and Hekmatyar is still a
Washington bete noire on the loose.)
From the point of view of Moscow, at least the USSR's southern
frontier was pacified. The special units of General Boris Gromov left
behind millions of landmines. But most of all the USSR - and the US -
left behind a festering, multi-level guerrilla army divided between
seven Sunni parties, based in Pakistan, and eight Shi'ite parties,
supported by Iran. The outlook for Kabul was a Saigon scenario or a
Beirut scenario. In the end, "Beirut" won: out of this enlarged
Lebanese situation emerged the Pakistan Frankenstein - the Taliban.
It's never enough to stress it: almost every Taliban is a Pashtun but
not every Pashtun is a Taliban. The current US and NATO strategy of a
war against Pashtun peasants is as pointless as the failed war against
the Ba'athists in Iraq. (Almost all Ba'athists were Sunni Arabs, but
not every Sunni Arab was a Ba'athist.)
General Gromov, the former commander of the Soviet 40th Army in
Afghanistan - and currently the governor of the Moscow region - did
not mince his words "celebrating" the 20th anniversary of the Soviet
pull out, on February 15: "I believe that the war was a huge and in
many respects irreparable political mistake of the leadership of the
Soviet Union at the time."
Nowadays, Gromov stresses "the Moscow region regularly sends
humanitarian aid to Afghanistan". If Obama placed a call to Gromov he
would hear a few sobering words: persist in your "strategy" and you
and NATO will be defeated at the "graveyard of empires".
The freedom fighters return Unlike standard Obama rhetoric,
Afghanistan is not the "central front in the war on terror". The key
to the riddle lies in the middle-echelons of the Pakistani Inter-
Services Intelligence (ISI) and the army. The ISI "invented" the
Taliban - and the middle to upper ranks, as well as some Pashtun army
officers, continue to fully support not only the "historic" Taliban of
the Mullah Omar group but the neo-Taliban of the Baitullah Mehsud and
Maulana Sufi Mohammed varieties.
The problem is Washington has no leverage, no credibility and no
inside intelligence to conduct a wide-ranging purge of the ISI and the
Pakistani army.
And then there's the problem of endemic Afghan corruption. If you
supply 93% of the world's opium, you are definitely a narco-state. The
Taliban may not control the complex web of poppy cultivation - but
they profit from its transportation and smuggling.
The Northern Alliance, hegemonic in the Kabul power game, is directly
involved, as much as the Pashtun family of President Hamid Karzai
. An extra measure of Washington's puzzlement in Afghanistan is that a
new "solution" being floated involves getting rid of Karzai and
installing a new asset/puppet dictator.
Obama - even without being familiar with the Afghanistan-Pakistan
theater - has got to be clever enough to see the surge per se as a
suicidal gambit. The problem is he still seems to believe the war is
"winnable". His latest definition of "winning", during his short visit
to Canada, is "to defeat al-Qaeda" and to make sure the Afghanistan-
Pakistan theatre is not a "launching pad for attacks against North
America". So, if that is the mission he must acknowledge, the key node
is Pakistan, not Afghanistan.
To the detriment of romanticized politics, 9/11 was never organized in
a cave in Afghanistan; it was plotted in cells in Germany and Spain by
Saudis and Pakistanis, with not a single Afghan among them. All
subsequent attacks were planned basically in Western Europe, not in
Afghanistan.
For its part, "historic" al-Qaeda today has nothing to do with a
terror-oriented Citigroup; it is composed by no more than a few dozen
shadowy figures - including Ayman al-Zawahiri - most probably hiding
in the Waziristans and the enormous empty spaces of Balochistan.
Obama's problems are compounded by the fact that he is surrounded by
people, such as Pentagon supremo Robert Gates, that remain locked in
"war on terror"/Long War mode. Vice President Joe Biden and special
envoy to the Afghanistan-Pakistan theater Richard Holbrooke - not to
mention General David "I'm positioning myself for 2012" Petraeus - are
certified hawks. They will do everything in their power to steer the
conclusions of the Afghanistan strategic policy review Obama is
waiting for towards the Long War concept .
For Andrew Bacevich, professor of International Relations and History
at Boston University, the last hope for sanity is represented by
Senator John Kerry, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations
committee.
It's never enough to stress the Bush "war on terror" framework remains
in full effect. Leon Panetta, the Obama nominee as CIA director, said
that the CIA will basically continue with extraordinary renditions.
Elena Kagan, the Obama nominee for solicitor general, said that
indefinite detention without trial still rules - wherever the detainee
was captured. And acting Assistant Attorney General Michael Hertz said
that detainees in Bagram air base in Afghanistan remain without legal
rights. If Obama is serious about closing Guantanamo, he must be
serious about closing Bagram.
The two-fold, "Western alliance" strategy at the Afghanistan-Pakistan
theater, as it stands, consists of the US and NATO occupying the parts
of Afghanistan not occupied by the Taliban while Washington bribes
Islamabad to let it attack Pashtun peasants inside Pakistan's
Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (FATA).
No wonder that after de facto losing a war in Iraq to a bunch of
"irregulars" with Kalashnikovs, the Pentagon is now terrified that
NATO is about to lose the war in Afghanistan for good, thus proving to
the whole world its absolute irrelevancy - and shattering once and for
all the shaky pillar of US hegemony over Europe.
NATO is incompetent even at lying. A NATO report in January claimed
that "only" 973 civilians were killed in Afghanistan in 2008, and
"only 97" of these by NATO. This month a UN report confirmed that NATO
was lying. According to the UN, at least 2,118 Afghan civilians were
killed in 2008 - 828 of them by the US or NATO.
Everyone's talking about US fighter jets and CIA Predator drones
raising hell out of three secret Pakistani air bases - with
Islamabad's complicit silence. But nobody talks about the "humint", or
human intelligence, component of the US's covert war in Afghanistan,
conducted by what the New York Times defines, with spectacular
hypocrisy, as "military units operating outside the normal chain of
command".
US special forces are part of this deadly mix. A recent UN report
identifies these US commandos as the key culprits as far as the
killing of Afghan civilians is concerned. Washington happens to
identify similar outfits - if they operate under a different banner,
or religion - as "terrorists".
In the case of this new American breed, it's fair to expect the
Pentagon and the Washington establishment to sooner or later start
calling them - in a sinister echo of recent Afghan past - "freedom
fighters".
Pepe Escobar is the author of Globalistan: How the Globalized World is
Dissolving into Liquid War (Nimble Books, 2007) and Red Zone Blues: a
snapshot of Baghdad during the surge. His new book, just out, is Obama
does Globalistan (Nimble Books, 2009).
He may be reached at pepeasia at yahoo.com.
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