[R-G] Fwd: Onslaught of Canadian Mining Companies - in Chiapas, Mexico
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Sat Feb 14 12:45:27 MST 2009
February 14, 2009
MINING IN CHIAPAS: A NEW THREAT FOR THE SURVIVAL OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
BELOW: A report from SIPAZ on the onslaught of (mainly) Canadian
mining companies in Chiapas, Mexico.
“The history of the underdevelopment of Latin America makes up the
history of the development of world capitalism. Our defeat was always
implicit in another’s victory; our wealth has always generated our
poverty, in order to feed the prosperity of others.” (Eduardo
Galeano, "Open Veins of Latin America")
The timeframe (from the late 1990s forwards) and the extent of land
given out in concessions to global mining companies in Mexico is very
similar to what is happening throughout Central America. The multiple
negative affects of mining are very similar, as well.
From the report:
“Mining is not an isolated issue. It is part of a much larger
phenomenon of development projects being driven by international
corporations and the Mexican government. These projects have a
profound impact on the rural campesino population, […] they do not
take into account the needs and desires of the people. In the end,
they provoke the loss of traditional forms of subsistence and
subsequent migration, as well as directly contribute to the loss of
indigenous cultures and lifestyles. Ultimately, the processes of
resistance to these various infrastructure projects, be it highways,
dams, or mines, are not separate struggles but are slowly becoming
unified within Mexico to create a greater resistance to a greater
issue.”
Rights Action has supported REMA (Red Mexicana de Afectados por la
Mineria), and is working to increase cross border work in resistance
to the harms caused by mining, between Guatemala and southern Mexico,
and north-south.
For more info about mining in Chiapas, contact SIPAZ:
chiapas at sipaz.org, www.sipaz.org.
Please re-distribute this info all around … . To get on/ off Rights
Action's email list: http://www.rightsaction.org/lists/?
p=subscribe&id=3.
WHAT TO DO: see below.
Thank-you / Gracias a la vida
* * * * * * *
MINING IN CHIAPAS: A NEW THREAT FOR THE SURVIVAL OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
(SIPAZ Report Vol. XIII # 4 - December 2008, http://www.sipaz.org/fini_eng.htm
; (+52.967) 63-160-55 / chiapas at sipaz.org /www.sipaz.org)
Until recently the state of Chiapas, which is one of the richest in
Mexico in terms of natural resources (in 2001 it produced 47% of
natural gas and 21% of oil in Mexico[1]), seemed to have been
forgotten by the mining industry.
However since the late 1990’s, the Federal government began to grant
mining concessions for exploration and exploitation to transnational
mining corporations, for the most part based in Canada.[2]
The majority of these concessions are located in the Sierra Madre del
Sur mountain range which begins in the north of Chiapas and extends as
far as Honduras and into northern Nicaragua, regions in which these
same mining companies are already working.[3]
THE MINING REFORMS: PAVING THE WAY FOR TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS
One of the major precursors to the increase in mining concessions was
the constitutional reforms of 1993. These reforms, which played a part
in paving the way for NAFTA[4] allowed foreign corporations to hold
mining concessions, which previously had been reserved for Mexican
companies.
Beginning with the Mineral Law of 1993 and throughout the nineties, a
number of new mineral law reforms were passed which facilitated
mineral exploitation by foreign capital.[5]
Traditionally, the Mexican people had the right to the land, through
ejidal[6] and communal lands, while the state had the rights to
anything below the soil. This ambiguity in jurisdiction between the
surface and the natural resources beneath allowed the affected
communities or ejidos a certain amount of bargaining power when their
land was affected by mining interests.
However after the mineral reforms of the nineties this issue was
resolved in favor of private interests. They state that the concession
grants the right to “Obtain the expropriation, temporary occupancy or
creation of land easement needed to carry out the exploration,
exploitation and beneficiation works”.[7]
This effectively grants mining companies the priority to the land over
the people who are living on it.
In addition the new laws give the company water rights in the regions
they are in as well as the right to dump rock waste in addition to
other waste products.
As the changes to the mining laws were aimed at facilitating the
entrance of foreign capital into Mexico, essentially the reforms
deregulated the mining industry in Mexico.[8]
This is part of the neoliberal economic doctrine which claims that
growth and development will be stimulated by deregulating the economy
and allowing the unhindered movement of international capital.
NAFTA was heralded by businessmen and politicians throughout the US,
Mexico, and Canada as an agreement that would bring prosperity and
development. However the reality has been that since this agreement
the Mexican economy has seen a loss of jobs and food prices have
risen. The rural campesino population has been the most adversely
affected by the agreement. The end result has been that large
corporations have benefited while poverty in the country has grown.[9]
INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL: EXPLOITING THE MINERAL WEALTH OF THE SIERRA
Canadian mining companies are known for their exploits in Central
America and due to the fact that the mining industry requires an
incredible amount of equipment and money, the vast majority of mining
concessions in Mexico have been given to these large Canadian mining
corporations.
While these corporations are based in Canada, they have operations
throughout Central and South America. The concessions are owned by
Mexican subsidiary companies who are in turn owned by the
transnational corporations. These subsidiary companies physically run
mining operations but are completely owned and directed by
corporations based in Canada.
This is done for a number of reasons, but chiefly because by
maintaining distance from the on-the-ground operations the companies
can create a barrier between themselves and any environmental or
social damage that results from the mining. In addition there is
generally less opposition within communities if the communities
believe that the company is Mexican.
In the state of Chiapas there are six major international mining
companies operating in different stages of the mining process. There
are two companies that maintain open and functioning mines and the
rest are still in the exploration or construction phase.
These companies are mainly mining gold and silver but are also
extracting barite, titanium, magnetite (iron ore), and copper.[10]
One of the main companies in Chiapas is Blackfire Exploration Ltd.,
which is based out of Alberta, Canada and totes the slogan
“Aggressively Exploring and Developing Chiapas, Mexico”. This company,
through a number of subsidiaries and front companies, has acquired
27,412 hectares for exploration and exploitation. They have one open
barite mine in the municipality of Chicomuselo as well as two more
mines planned for 2010 in the Sierra region.[11]
Another company, Linear Gold Corp., through two different front
companies owns 198,416 hectares of exploration rights and is currently
operating an open gold mine in the municipality of Ixuatán in the
north of Chiapas. In addition Linear Gold has a number of projects
through which it is exploring a possible gold mine in the municipality
of Motozintla.[12]
The remaining four companies (3 Canadian and 1 Chilean) have not yet
begun open mining operations but have concessions for exploration and
in some cases exploitation as well.
These companies are Radius Gold Corp. which has 103,210 hectares,
Fronteer Development Group which has 208,392 hectares,New Gold Inc.
[RA: the Canadian Pension Plan (CPP) owns 194,000 shares of New Gold
Inc, worth, $1,000,000, as of December 31, 2008] which has 246,249
hectares, and CODELCO, the Chilean national copper mining company
which has 121,831 hectares.
These companies have concessions throughout 31 different
municipalities in the state of Chiapas, however most of them lie in
the southern Sierra region of the state.[13]
THE ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL EFFECTS OF MODERN MINING PRACTICES
While the industry has undergone many changes mining remains one of
the most detrimental, not only in terms of working conditions but in
regards to environmental and social damage.
According to Gustavo Castro of Otros Mundos Chiapas A.C. “Mining is
not new in Chiapas, what is new is the intensity and the type of
extraction”.[14]
Modern mining practices continue to have a negative impact
specifically in terms of land and water contamination, deforestation,
destruction of traditional lifestyles, and internal divisions within
communities.[15]
The most common modern mining practice is called opencast mining.
According to a report published by the World Rainforest Movement, an
international network of organizations that work on issues of
rainforest conservation:
“Opencast mines look like a series of terraces arranged in great deep
wide pits in the middle of a desolated and stark landscape, lacking
any living resources. The operation usually starts with removal of the
vegetation and the soil, followed by extensive dynamiting and removal
of the rocks and materials above the ore until the deposit is reached,
which is again dynamited to obtain smaller pieces”.[16]
In addition, once these giant heaps of rock and dirt are dug up the
valuable minerals inside must be extracted. This is generally done by
running the raw materials through a chemical solution in order to
extract the minerals.
In the case of gold mining, a cyanide solution is run over the ore in
order to dissolve the rock and extract the pure gold.
The mining companies claim that the cyanide and the leftover debris
are disposed of in an environmentally conscious manner but it is
inevitable that some of these damaging chemicals manage to escape into
the soil and the water supply.[17]
This kind of pollution is especially harmful to campesinos; not only
because of the health risks associated with contaminated water but
because the pollution threatens their traditional lifestyle of
subsistence agriculture.
Another major side effect of this cyanide leaching process is the rock
waste that it produces. According to the ‘No Dirty Gold’ campaign
started by Earthworks (an American NGO that works on environmental
issues) and OxFam (an International NGO which works on a number of
social and environmental issues) these piles of toxic slag can reach
up to 100 meters high. These toxic piles of rock not only damage the
soil through the leaching of chemicals but they also physically take
up land that would otherwise be used for farming.[18]
The entrance of mining companies into the region has a number of
negative effects on a community level. Generally the companies promise
some sort of payment either in the form of cash payout or
infrastructure in order to placate the affected communities.
Nevertheless, there is no way to ensure that the companies carry out
their promises. The reality is that the vulnerability and poverty of
the affected communities do not allow for fair negotiations. The money
that is offered may seem like a large amount to the families who do
not know what the true effects of the mining operations will be.
For example in the municipality of Chicomuselo (Chiapas), the company
Blackfire Exploration has an open barite mine called La Revancha (The
Revenge). According to community members, when the company entered the
area in 2006 it promised the community that it would build new roads,
install electricity, drainage and other infrastructure in the
community. The company has never actually followed through on the
agreement. Instead of building roads, installing electricity, and
sewage for the entire community, the company built roads, installed
electricity, and other infrastructure for the mining operation alone
without constructing anything of benefit for the community.[19]
BUILDING A RESISTANCE TO INTERNATIONAL MINING
The resistance to the operation of mining in Chiapas and Mexico as a
whole is growing but very slowly. One of the main problems in
organizing such resistance is the lack of awareness in communities
about what the effects of a mine are likely to be. The reality is that
in many cases people only realize the effects of the mine after it is
in place and functioning, and by that time it is generally too late to
stop the mining process.[20]
The mining companies are also aware of the resistance and utilize
strategies that attempt to halt it before it gets off the ground.
These strategies include buying out part of the community in order to
create divisions and stop any attempts at organizing. This is
generally done by co-opting local authorities or community leaders
with the intent of creating divisions and stifling any possible
resistance.
One of the major methods utilized by communities to resist the
entrance of mining corporations involves the use of a number of
national and international accords that guarantee the economic,
social, and cultural rights of individuals.
On a national level, the best defense for communities and ejidos
affected by mining is the Agrarian Law and the rights that ejidos hold
as communal bodies. The laws concerning ejidos grant the right to
decide the use of the land as a communal body.
However since the changes to Article 27 of the Constitution in 1992
and the implementation of PROCEDE[21] it has become very difficult to
employ these defense mechanisms.
On the international level, one of the most important tools is the
169th Convention Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, which was
established by the International Labor Organization (ILO) and ratified
in Mexico in 1990. It states in particular that “In cases in which the
State retains the ownership of mineral or sub-surface resources or
rights to other resources pertaining to lands, governments shall
establish or maintain procedures through which they shall consult
these peoples, … The peoples concerned shall wherever possible
participate in the benefits of such activities, and shall receive fair
compensation for any damages which they may sustain as a result of
such activities” (art. 15).[22]
The 169th Convention has been successfully used by communities in
Guatemala in resisting international mining interests. For example on
February 13 of 2007, 64 communities in the municipality of Concepción
Tutuapa rejected mining activity in their communities. Through the
logic of the 169th convention, the people of the region voted in
community consultations to reject the international mining companies.
[23] […]
Another major means of resistance is organization and mobilization on
a community, national, or international level. Community level
organization is important because it is one of the only methods of
educating people about what the effects of mining will be as well as
educating and mobilizing people around methods of resistance.
One of the main actors in organizing resistance to mining is the
Mexican Network of Those Affected by Mining (REMA, Red Mexicana de
Afectados por la Minería). This is a national network that is
attempting to organize and inform people throughout Mexico about the
effects and methods of resistance to mining.[24]
Another actor in the mining resistance at the local level is the
National Front of Struggle for Socialism (FNLS, Frente Nacional de la
Lucha por el Socialismo). In November, the FNLS held a statewide
mobilization protesting a number of issues, among them that of the
transnational mining companies. It included roadblocks on a number of
highways in Chiapas as well as a march on the municipal seat of
Motozintla where there have been a number of mining concessions to
Linear Gold Corp.[25]
The FNLS has denounced repression against its attempts to organize
resistance to the mining in the region. On November 12, 2008 they
stated that “For the FNLS, the raids that were carried out yesterday
on the houses of Yolanda Castro and Jaime González, represent a
fascist response from the Mexican State to the public denunciation
that we released on the 10th and to the Resistance against the removal
of minerals being carried out by a number of transnational
corporations”.[26]
Another example of community organization as well as government
repression is the case of El Carrizalillo in the state of Guerrero. In
January 2007, the community organized the “Permanent Assembly of
Ejidatarios and Workers of Carrizalillo”. This group coordinated a
roadblock at the entrance of a mine run by the Luismin company in
order to pressure them into renegotiating the contracts for use of the
land.
However at the end of January, 100 state and local police officers
violently removed the roadblock and arrested 70 community members.
Eventually the company agreed to negotiate new contracts with the
community. The final accords resulted in raising the rental price of
the land from 1,475 pesos to 13,500 pesos per year per hectare. In
addition the company promised the construction of a number of public
works including roads, a hospital, and a school. The company also
promised to re-employ the workers who had been fired during the 82
days of the strike.[27]
On November 8, 2008, the community of Cacahuatepec, Guerrero (that
would be affected by the planned hydro-electric dam La Parota) held
the popular gathering titled “Water, Energy, and Alternative Energy”.
The theme of mining was touched on at the gathering and community
members from Chicomuselo, Chiapas met with others from different parts
of Mexico to share their experiences with mining, other natural
resources, and methods of resistance.
In the same vein, on November 15 and 16 the “Meeting of Our Voices of
Struggle and Resistance” took place in Juchitán, Oaxaca. The final
declaration stated: “We give a clear NO to the transnational projects
of super-highways, dams, mines, and wind energy because they are not
developing our communities, instead they are displacing us and
stealing our land”.[28]
The reality is that mining is not an isolated issue. It is in effect
part of a much larger phenomenon of development projects being driven
by international corporations and the Mexican government. These types
of projects have a very profound impact on the rural campesino
population, in the sense that they do not take into account the needs
and desires of the people. In the end they provoke the loss of
traditional forms of subsistence and subsequent migration as well as
directly contribute to the loss of indigenous cultures and lifestyles.
Ultimately, the processes of resistance to these various
infrastructure projects, be it highways, dams, or mines, are not
separate struggles but are slowly becoming unified within Mexico to
create a greater resistance to a greater issue.
* * * * * * *
1 SIPAZ, “Chiapas en Datos: Recursos Naturales”. / 2 Mexico,
Secretaría de Economía, Dirreción General de Minas, Expedición de
Títulos de Concesión Minera, http://www.economia-dgm.gob.mx:81/index.html
. / 3 Radius Gold Inc., Exploration Projects in Southern Mexico,http://www.radiusgold.com/s/Mexico-Overview.asp
. / 4 North American Free Trade Agreement: came into effect on January
1, 1994. It basically eliminates all tariffs, quotas, and trade
barriers between the United States, Mexico and Canada. / 5 Adriana
Estrada, Fundar: Centro de Análisis e Investigación, Impactos de la
inversión minera canadiense en Mexico: Una primera aproximación. D.F.,
Me xico. Sept. 2001. / 6 Ejido: a form of communal land in Mexico that
was established by the Mexican Constitution of 1917. / 7 Mexico,
Secretaría de Economía, Legislación Minera, http://www.economia-dgm.gob.mx:81/legislacion.html
. / 8 Estrada, Impactos de la inversion minera canadiense en Mexico. /
9 Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, “The Ten Year Track Record of
the North American Free Trade Agreement”, Washington DC, 2004. / 10
Dirreción General de Minas, Expedición de Titulos. / 11 Blackfire
Exploration Ltd., Projects- The Payback Barite Mine, http://www.blackfire
exploration.com/default.asp?id=1. / 12 Linear Gold Corp, Properties,http://www.lineargoldcorp.com/
. / 13 Dirreción General de Minas, Expedición de Titulos. / 14 Gustavo
Castro, Otros Mundos A.C. Chiapas, SIPAZ Interview on Nov. 20, 2008. /
15 No Dirty Gold Campaign, Earthworks, Dirty Gold’s Impacts, http://nodirtygold.org/home.cfm
. / 16 Ricardo Carrere, World Rainforest Movement, Mining: Social and
Environmental Impacts, March 2004. / 17 No Dirty Gold Campaign, Dirty
Gold’s Impacts. / 18 Ibid. / 19 Elio Enríquez, “La barita, otro tesoro
que no ha dejado beneficios para pobladores de Chiapas”, La Jornada,
May 5, 2008. / 20 Gustavo Castro, Nov. 20, 2008. / 21 PROCEDE: The
Ejidal Rights and Urban Lands Certification Program is a government
program initiated after the reform of Article 27 of the constitution
which attempts to convert communal land into private property which
can then be bought and sold. / 22 International Labor Organization,
Convention 169 concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, June 17,
1989. / 23 NO A LA MINA, “En Guatemala 64 comunidades rechazaron la
actividad minera en una consulta comunitaria”, Feb. 19, 2007, http://www.noalamina.org/
. / 24 Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería (REMA), http: //
rema.codigosur.net/. / 25 El Justo Reclamo Blog, “¡FIN A LA
CRIMINALIZACIÓN DE LA PROTESTA POPULAR!”, Chiapas, Mexico. Nov. 20,
2008. / 26 FNLS Blog, “ACCIÓN URGENTE: MILITARES ALLANAN VIVIENDAS DE
YOLANDA CASTRO Y JAIME GONZÁLEZ DE FNLS EN CHIAPAS”, Nov. 13, 2008. /
27 El Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Montaña Tlachinollan, “El Caso
de Carrizalillo”.http://www.tlachinollan.org/. / 28 SIPAZ Blog,
Oaxaca: Realizan el Encuentro de Nuestras Voces de Lucha y
Resistencia, Nov. 20, 2008.
* * * * * * *
Rights Action WHAT TO DO
There is no magic formula to holding North American corporate
investors, shareholders and governments fully accountable for the
environmental and health harms and human rights violations occurring
in many countries around the world where our corporations and
investors are operating.
US and Canadian citizens should write to -- and keep writing to --
their own politicians and media, making them aware of these
situations, demanding that our governments prioritize global human
rights and environmental concerns over global business interests,
demanding that our governments pass criminal and civil laws to help
hold our corporations accountable if/ when they violate human rights
and/or cause environmental and health harms.
US and Canadian citizens should write to -- and keep writing to --
their own Pension Funds and Investment Brokers, to find out what types
of corporations and businesses they are investing in, to demand that
our investors prioritize global human rights and environmental
concerns over profits, to insist that investments be withdrawn if/
when profits are being made at the expense of environmental and health
harms and/ or human rights violations.
This is slow, long-term work. We need to make our governments,
corporations and investment firms accountable to us and to the highest
standards of criminal and civil law environmental protection and human
rights, in all facets of global economic relations and policies.
* * * * * * *
TO MAKE TAX-DEDUCTIBLE DONATIONS for Indigenous and community-based
organizations in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Peru and southern
Mexico that are resisting the harms caused by large-scale
“development” projects (mining, tourism, hydro-electric dams, etc) and
implementing their own community development projects (schools and
scholarships, health clinics, solidarity economy productive projects,
etc), human rights and environment projects, make check payable to
"Rights Action" and mail to:
* UNITED STATES: Box 50887, Washington DC, 20091-0887
* CANADA: 552 - 351 Queen St. E, Toronto ON, M5A-1T8
CREDIT-CARD DONATIONS: http://www.rightsaction.org/Templates/donations_index.html
TO JOIN Rights Action’s email list and/or quarterly newsletter list: info at rightsaction.org
CREATE YOUR OWN E-MAIL LIST and re-distribute this and other information
DAILY NEWS: Watch & listen to www.democracynow.org; Read www.upsidedownworld.org
, www.dominionpaper.ca
READ: Eduardo Galeano’s “Open Veins of Latin America”; Howard Zinn’s
“A People’s History of the United States”; Naomi Klein’s “The Shock
Doctrine”;
www.rightsaction.org- Based in Guatemala, Rights Action (with tax-
deductible legal status in Canada and USA) funds and works with
community-based Indigenous, development, environment and human rights
organizations in Guatemala and Honduras, and also in Oaxaca, Chiapas,
El Salvador, Peru, Haiti and Nicaragua; and educates about and is
involved in activism related to global development, environmental and
Indigenous and human rights struggles.
EDUCATIONAL-ACTIVIST DELEGATION TO GUATEMALA, APRIL 12-17, 2009
Rights Action is leading an educational trip to Guatemala and the
Goldcorp Inc-mining affected regions. To join this delegation and for
more information: 1-860-352-2448 , info at rightsaction.org, www.rightsaction.org
.
More information about the Rad-Green
mailing list