[R-G] [BillTottenWeblog] America Pays the Piper, Big Time

[Bill Totten]

by Robert Parry

consortiumnews.com (September 24 2008)


After a 28-year binge of drunken optimism and blind nationalism - often
punctuated by chants of "USA, USA!" and "We're No. 1!" - Americans are
waking up with a painful hangover, facing a grim "morning in America",
not the happy vision that Ronald Reagan famously sold them on.

As the United States begins to assess how the nation got into its
trillion-dollar bailout mess, a true understanding must go back three
decades or so when Reagan deployed his well-honed communications skills
and the Republican Right mastered the dark arts of propaganda to get the
American people to shed the annoying strictures of rationality.

In the 1970s, there had been stumbling efforts by three presidents -
Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter - to begin confronting
stubborn structural problems, such as a growing dependence on foreign
oil, environmental damage, and excessive military spending which had
sapped resources away from a productive economy.

Nixon helped create the Environmental Protection Agency; he imposed
energy-conservation measures; he opened the diplomatic door to communist
China; and he initiated "détente" with the Soviet Union. But his
presidency foundered on the rocks of his political paranoia that led to
the Watergate scandal.

President Ford tried to continue many of Nixon's policies, particularly
winding down the Cold War with Moscow and slimming down the bloated
Pentagon budget, which had fed what President Dwight Eisenhower dubbed
the "military-industrial complex".

However, confronting a rebellion from Reagan's Republican Right in 1976,
Ford abandoned "détente"; he let hard-line Cold Warriors (and a first
wave of young intellectuals called neoconservatives) pressure the CIA's
analytical division; and he brought in a new generation of tough-minded
operatives, such as Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld.

After winning in 1976, President Carter injected more respect for human
rights into US foreign policy, a move some scholars believe put an
important nail in the coffin of the Soviet Union, leaving it
hard-pressed to justify its repressive internal practices.

At home, Carter proposed a comprehensive energy policy and warned
Americans that their growing dependence on foreign oil represented a
national security threat of the first order, what he called "the moral
equivalent of war".

However, powerful vested interests managed to exploit the shortcomings
of all three of these presidents to sabotage any sustained progress. For
instance, Carter's prescient energy address was widely mocked as the
"MEOW speech".

Soon, the American people were persuaded to turn away from their
real-world challenges and enter a land of make-believe. Don't worry,
they were told. Be happy.

Reagan as Piper

The lead piper in this parade away from America's tough choices was
Ronald Reagan who insisted in his First Inaugural Address in 1981 that
"government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem".

As President, Reagan attacked the federal regulatory system and cut
taxes so recklessly that his budget director, David Stockman, foresaw
red ink "as far as the eye can see". Reagan also justified fattening the
Pentagon's budget by citing dire warnings that the Soviet Union was on
the rise (despite CIA analysis at the time that it was in sharp decline).

To marginalize dissent, Reagan and his subordinates stoked anger toward
anyone who challenged the era's feel-good optimism. Skeptics were not
just honorable critics, they were un-American defeatists or - in Jeane
Kirkpatrick's memorable attack line - they would "blame America first".

Under Reagan, a right-wing infrastructure also took shape, linking new
media outlets (magazines, newspapers, books, et cetera) with
well-financed think tanks that churned out endless op-eds. Plus, there
were attack groups that went after mainstream journalists who dared
disclose information that poked holes in Reagan's propaganda themes.

Significantly, too, Reagan credentialed a new generation of neocon
intellectuals, who pioneered a concept called "perception management",
the shaping of how Americans saw, understood - and were frightened by -
threats from abroad.

Many honest reporters saw their careers damaged when they resisted the
lies and distortions of the Reagan administration. Likewise, US
intelligence analysts were purged when they refused to bend to the
propaganda demands from above. {1}

In effect, Reagan's team created a faux reality for the American public.
Civil wars in Central America between impoverished peasants and wealthy
oligarchs became an East-West showdown. US-backed insurgents in
Nicaragua, Angola and Afghanistan were transformed from corrupt, brutal
(often drug-tainted) thugs into noble "freedom-fighters".

While Reagan played the role of the nation's kindly grandfather, his
operatives refined their skills at dividing the American people, using
"wedge issues" to deepen grievances especially among white men who were
encouraged to see themselves as victims of "reverse discrimination" and
"political correctness".

Yet even as working-class white men were rallying to the Republican
banner (as so-called "Reagan Democrats"), their economic interests were
being savaged. Unions were broken and marginalized; "free trade"
policies shipped manufacturing jobs abroad; old neighborhoods were
decaying; drug use among the young was soaring.

Wall Street Greed

Meanwhile, unprecedented greed was unleashed on Wall Street, fraying
old-fashioned bonds between company owners and employees.

Before Reagan, corporate CEOs earned less than fifty times the salary of
an average worker. By the end of the Reagan and Bush One administrations
in 1993, the average CEO salary was more than 100 times that of a
typical worker. (That CEO-salary figure is now more than 250 times that
of an average worker.)

The era's financial imbalances had other effects. Bloated with hundreds
of billions of new dollars, the military-industrial complex recycled
some of that money back into right-wing and neocon think tanks, which
then justified more spending on "defense".

The super-wealthy finance industry kicked back money to both Republicans
and Democrats - as well as to friendly think tanks - to ensure that
"free-market" ideology flourished and regulatory "barriers" were removed
in the name of progress.

Much of this momentum continued through Bill Clinton's presidency.
Indeed, some of Clinton's biggest achievements involved collaborating
with congressional Republicans on deregulation and trade agreements
initiated during the Reagan & Bush One era.

In the 1990s, the Republican Right also continued building its media
infrastructure, expanding into talk radio, TV and the Internet.

By contrast, the American Left mostly ignored building media, making the
Right's investment even more striking since defense of liberal positions
nearly disappeared from large swaths of the nation. {2}

The consequences of this imbalance became more obvious when the
right-wing media and the Republican congressional majority harassed
Clinton through the final years of his presidency. Increasingly, the
mainstream press joined in, bending to the dominance of the conservative
message.

Although Clinton still managed to turn the gigantic federal deficit into
a surplus, his presidency was rated as a disappointment, if not an
embarrassment.

In Campaign 2000, the media's hostility was transferred to Democrat Al
Gore, with distortions about Gore appearing in the New York Times and
the Washington Post as well as the New York Post and the Washington
Times. {3}

Meanwhile, Republican George W Bush - though a plutocrat born to
privilege - was pitched to the voters as some sort of everyman. He was
praised, too, for surrounding himself with "adults", such as Cheney and
Rumsfeld.

When Gore still managed to beat Bush in the national popular vote and
stood a good chance of overcoming Bush's narrow lead in the swing state
of Florida, much of the US press corps acted as if Bush deserved the
White House and that Gore should concede.

An unprecedented intervention by five conservative Republicans on the US
Supreme Court stopping a court-ordered recount in Florida was welcomed
by much of the American news media, which saw its principal role as
protecting Bush's fragile "legitimacy" and uniting the country behind
his presidency.

That attitude grew stronger after the 9/11 attacks when the major news
organizations wanted to demonstrate their "patriotism" in line with
rank-and-file Americans. The Bush-Cheney power grabs after 9/11 received
scant media criticism as did the run-up to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Like in the Reagan era, the neocons played a key role with their
"perception management", painting the "war on terror" as a frightening
conflict between good and evil, in which Islamic militants "hate our
freedoms" and seek to hem in the United States with a "caliphate"
stretching from Spain to Indonesia.

The hyping of this Islamic threat fit with the neocon exaggerated
depiction of the Soviet menace in the 1980s - and again the propaganda
strategy worked. Many Americans let their emotions run wild, from the
hunger for revenge after 9/11 to the war fever over Iraq.

When old allies like France urged caution, angry Americans poured French
wine into gutters and renamed "French fries" as "Freedom fries". When
the rare expert dared question Bush's case for war - as former weapons
inspector Scott Ritter did - the major media joined in attacking the
skeptic's patriotism.

Arguably, the descent into this dark fantasyland - that Ronald Reagan
began in the early 1980s - reached its nadir in the flag-waving early
days of the Iraq War, but the journey continued. It carried the country
through Campaign 2004 when John Kerry's Vietnam War heroism was mocked
and he was dismissed as "looking French".

Reality began to reassert itself with the bloody insurgency that
resulted from Bush's conquest of Iraq and with his administration's
inept response when Hurricane Katrina flooded New Orleans.

Gradually, Americans were waking up from a long sleepwalk, but the
nation still stumbled from disaster to disaster, from an exploding
federal debt to the bursting of the real-estate bubble to the fact that
the anti-regulatory fervor has left the country on the brink of a new
Great Depression.

Ironically, many of the same Wall Street hotshots who had so disdained
government - whose high-flying lifestyle was built on Reagan's ideology
that "government is the problem" - now found themselves turning to
Washington for a $700 billion bailout.

But the future remains unclear. One might think that the American people
would now be wide awake, having learned their lessons and eager to throw
out both the neocons, who engineered the foreign policy debacles abroad,
and the anti-regulators, who precipitated the economic catastrophe at home.

Yet the perception managers appear to have at least one more trick up
their sleeves. They are turning John McCain, the self-proclaimed foot
soldier of the Reagan revolution who championed the neocon cause
overseas and the deregulators' schemes in the domestic economy, into a
reformer who can change the system.

If recent opinion polls are to be believed, tens of millions of
Americans still want to believe.

Links:

{1} See Robert Parry's Lost History at http://www.neckdeepbook.com/

{2} See Parry's Secrecy & Privilege at http://www.neckdeepbook.com/

{3} http://www.neckdeepbook.com/

_____

Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the
Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The
Disastrous Presidency of George W Bush (2007), was written with two of
his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com. His two
previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from
Watergate to Iraq (2004) and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press &
'Project Truth' (1999) are also available there. Or go to Amazon.com.

http://consortiumnews.com/2008/092408.html


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