[R-G] ZNet Book Interview: Demystifying Obama
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Wed Sep 3 13:19:27 MDT 2008
http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/18670
ZNet Book Interview: Demystifying Obama
September 03, 2008 By Paul Street
Paul Street, Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics
(Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008)
ISBN: 978-1-59451-631-3
URL: www.paradigmpublishers.com/Books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=186987
"All those interested in truth rather than seduction should read
urgently this wise book by Paul Street, who peels away the mask of the
‘Obama phenomenon' and reveals power as it is, not as many of us wish
it to be."
—John Pilger, Director of the film, "The War on Democracy."
1. Can you tell ZNet, please, what "Barack Obama and the Future of
American Politics" is about? What is it trying to communicate?
The book is an attempt to demystify Barack Obama and understand his
emergence and candidacy in the context of U.S. political culture and
history. Everybody knows that the rise of Obama is loaded with
relevance for American social and political history. But what is "the
Obama phenomenon," exactly? Its nature and meaning remain shrouded in
fantasy, wishful thinking, projected aspirations, and (on the right)
preposterous neo-McCarthyite accusation.
My book situates Obama firmly within the United States' longstanding
corporate-dominated and militaristic U.S elections system and
political culture. It provides an overdue in-depth investigation form
the left of the Obama phenomenon's substantive content and limits in
relation to corporate power (a key subject in Chapter 1), class
inequality (also in Chapter 1), institutional racism (Chapter 3), and
imperial U.S. foreign policy (Chapter 4 - please see the Table of
Contents at the end of this interview).
I find that the Obama campaign epitomizes three core essences of
American politics: (1) "the manipulation of populism by elitism" (the
still-Left Christopher Hitchens' phrase in 1999); (2) the privileging
of corporate-crafted, mass marketed candidate image (branding) over
substantive matters of policy and ideology; (3) the absence of serious
left options within the American "winner-take-all" party system.
"Brand Obama," I argue, is no special exception to the basic essence
of American presidential politics. Every four years, many Americans
invest their hopes and dreams in an electoral process that does not
deserve their trust. These voters hope that a savior can be installed
in the White House - someone who will raise wages, roll back war and
militarism, provide universal and adequate health care, rebuild the
nation's infrastructure, produce high-paying jobs, fix the
environmental crisis, reduce inequality, guarantee economic security,
and generally make daily life more livable.
The dreams are regularly drowned in the icy waters of historical and
political "reality." In the actuality of American politics and
policy, the officially "electable" candidates are vetted in advance by
what Laurence H. Shoup calls "the hidden primary of the ruling
class." By prior Establishment selection, all of the "viable"
presidential contenders are closely tied to corporate and military-
imperial power in numerous and interrelated ways. They run safely
within the narrow ideological and policy parameters set by those who
rule behind the scenes to make sure that the rich and privileged
continue to be the leading beneficiaries of the American system.
After examining the historical meaning of the Obama phenomenon, my
book explains Obama's remarkable ascendancy. The fifth chapter is
titled "Obama Nation: Sixteen Reasons" and gives a concise treatment
of why Obama emerged when it did. Here are some of the key sub-
headings in that chapter: "Deception," "Media Love Matters," "The
Novelty Premium," "Skin Color and the Illusion of Greater
Liberalism," "Managing Mass Hope and Euphoria From the Top Down," "The
Emperor's New Clothes?," "The Power of American Exceptionalism," and
"Little That Seems Viable to His Left."
I should add that the book's introduction gives a short history of
exactly how Obama came to be an "overnight" sensation. It traces
Obama's career from his short community organizing period through his
early vetting (in late 2003 and early 2004) by the national political,
business, and lobbying class, his celebrated (and militantly
centrist)Keynote Address to the 2004 Democratic Convention and the
publication of his second book ("The Audacity of Hope"), which kicked
off his presidential campaign in late 2006.
Last but not least, my book suggests ways in which left progressives
and others might respond productively to both the limits and the
opportunities of the Obama phenomenon.
The book's Afterword, written after Obama secured the Democratic
nomination, is titled "Imagining a Progressive Future." It discusses
what a real progressive "change" agenda would look like whether or not
Obama wins in November.
The book is designed to help citizens and activists distinguish fuzzy
myth from harsh reality in understanding the meaning of the "ruling
class candidate" (as a Denver convention protestor accurately
described him last week, prior to being arrested) Barack Obama. I
agree with the Left political scientist Adolph Reed Jr., who says the
following on the back of the book: "progressive agendas will not be
advanced through vesting hopes and aspirations in candidate-centered
politics." As Reed elaborates, "there is no quick or easy substitute
for the task of building a serious, institutionally grounded working-
class based political movement..."
At the same time, my book cautiously holds out the possibility that
the Obama phenomenon could help (in Charles Derber's words on the back
of the book) "oxygenate the grassroots movements that are the true
architects of change." It cautiously recommends that voters select
Obama to block the dangerous and extremist John McCain in contested
states, though I must add that I penned this advice before Obama
lurched further to the right in dramatic ways during July and August
of 2008.
The book also suggests that there could be some radical potential in
Obama's lofty and more progressive-sounding rhetoric, which has
channeled and raised some expectations we can expect an Obama
candidacy and a possible Obama White House to disappoint. The
historian Barrington Moore once noted that rising and dashed
expectations are critical ingredients in the making of modern
revolutions.
(2) Can you tell ZNet something about writing the book? Where does the
content come from? What went into making the book what it is?
I guessed Obama would be a presidential candidate sooner rather than
later when I saw him give his Keynote Address. When John ("I am NOT a
Redistribution Democrat") Kerry got beat, I thought that a good chunk
of the ruling class and a fair portion of the Democratic electorate
would find Obama irresistible. I set aside a couple file drawers for
Obama stories and speeches. When it was clear he was running for the
White House, I figured I had the makings of a decent political
monograph. I started drafting proposals and ended up back with my
first publisher, Paradigm. Last February, we planned a volume that
would situate Obama within the deeper history of the (corporate-
imperial) Democratic Party and the American party system and political
tradition.
Paradigm was encouraged by the fact that I have been in good places to
see the rise of Obama up close. I was an urban social policy
researcher producing project studies on various Illinois issues Obama
deliberated upon (chiefly campaign finance and welfare "reform") in
the Illinois state legislature during the late 1990s.
Between 2000 and 2005, I was the research director at a predominantly
black civil rights and social service agency located in the historical
heart of Chicago's South Side black ghetto. I occasionally worked
with black legislators and had some very marginal involvement with
state senator Obama. I organized a fall 2002 conference where he
spoke on incarceration and job issues, referring to a study I did on
racially disparate mass imprisonment and felony-marking. I managed a
project study (on school technology) he funded through the state.
I knew the Obama phenomenon before it hit the national scene and I
knew it from within the black community (white though I may be), where
it was common to see Obama as excessively "bourgeois" and as too close
to the Chicago (Richard M. Daley) Machine and to other centers of
white, political, corporate, and academic power.
Between August 2007 and January 3rd 2008, I did (largely at the
instigation of a close relative) a fair amount of volunteer work for
the semi-progressive John Edwards presidential campaign. This was a
little odd given by own left-Marxist/anarchist background and
sympathies (still intact), but it was a good move, book-wise. It
afforded me a lot of voter contact with Obama supporters in Iowa City
(where I live) and in Muscatine County in eastern Iowa.
There's nothing like Iowa when it comes to seeing the presidential
campaign, for better or worse. And Iowa City was sort of an Obamanist
"ground zero." I had a number of strange conversations with privileged
white Obama "progressives" - something that set off some alarms and
helped spark me to write this book.
Fighting the Obama campaign (in what I rightly figured was a losing
battle) block-by-block and house-by-house for votes (Caucusers) forced
me to keep tabs on Obama's statements, speeches, and supporters in
ways that turned out to be useful for writing about the Obama
phenomenon. It was also a great deal of fun.
Paradigm publisher Dean Birkenkamp wanted a book that would be more
than a quick Left hit job --- a radical version of what "Jerome Corsi,
Ph.D" has recently done from the right in his atrocious book "The
Obama Nation." Dean wanted a serious readable but academically
respectable study that would place the Obama phenomenon within the
larger context of American political history and hold value beyond the
current election. I really think I did that here.
Amusingly enough, my original title (ultimately rejected but briefly
mocked up for a draft cover) was "Obama Nation."
(3) What are your hopes for Barack Obama and the Future of American
Politics? ]? What do you hope it will contribute or achieve
politically? Given the effort and aspirations you have for the book,
what will you deem to be a success? What would leave you happy about
the whole undertaking? What would leave you wondering if it was worth
all the time and effort?
I hope this book will help citizens and activists shed illusions about
Obama's "progressive" claims. I hope it will spark them to remember
that Democratic Party politicians and presidents soften their
attachment to capitalism and war only when challenged (as in the 1930s
and 1960s) by popular rebellion from below. I hope it will encourage
readers to differentiate between (i) the secondary question of how to
respond to the limited "choices" offered by the corporate-managed
electoral "democracy" and (ii) the more urgent problem of rebuilding
and expanding grass roots social movements and changing the political
culture across and between election cycles. I hope it will help
clarify critical differences between (i) Obama and the Democratic
Party's persistent corporate-imperial centrism and (ii) an actual
Left, true-progressive change agenda. If Obama wins, I hope my book
will encourage an organized and outraged citizenry to put regular
powerful and guilt-free pressure on an Obama White House and (more
significantly) to develop alternative popular power centers and
democratic capacities beneath and beyond electoral politics. I hope
it will help readers understand a President Obama's likely
"progressive" failures and betrayals in light of his repeatedly
demonstrated allegiance to dominant domestic and imperial hierarchies
and doctrines.
John McCain is a profoundly dangerous presidential candidate
representing an extremist, arch-plutocratic and messianic-militarist
party. Still, Obama is attractive to a large section of the U.S.
power elite because he promises to pacify and co-opt angry citizens
and activists and re-establish confidence in the legitimacy of the
current political order by reinforcing the argument that "the system"
still "works."
Our current corporate-managed and imperial democracy doesn't work for
any but the privileged Few. It is a grave threat to human survival and
peace and justice at home and abroad. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was
right forty years ago when he called for the "radical reconstruction"
of society and the "radical redistribution of political and economic
power" in the U.S. The path of that reconstruction is long and leads
well past my own time on this planet, but it is clear to me that
millions of people in the world's most powerful nation are being
dangerously hypnotized and repressively de-sublimated yet again by the
false hopes and colored lights of the narrow-spectrum corporate-run
election extravaganza.
If Obama loses, and he could (racism would be the main reason, I
think), it will be important for progressively inclined citizens and
activists to understand that it was corporate-imperial centrism, not
the Left and not the People, that got defeated. They must not
interpret an Obama defeat to mean that the People and/or the Left
tried and failed and that it is therefore okay for them to give up and
retreat into private experience and concerns. If he wins, citizens and
activists need to understand the severe limits of what triumphed and
be prepared to fight and organize on a daily basis beneath and beyond
quadrennial candidate-centered and corporate-crafted election
spectacles.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface (p. ix)
Introduction: "A Man for All Seasons?" The Dark Essences of American
Politics (p.xvii)
Chapter 1: Obama's "Dollar Value" (p. 1)
Chapter 2: The Other Hidden Primary (p. 59)
Chapter 3: How "Black" is Obama? Color, Class, Generation, and the
Perverse Racial Politics of the Post-Civil Rights Era (p.73)
Chapter 4: How "Antiwar"? Obama, Iraq, and the Audacity of Empire (p.
123)
Chapter 5: Obama Nation: Sixteen Reasons (p. 165)
Chapter 6: Beyond the Narrow Spectrum: Citizens, Politicians, Change,
and the Obama Phenomenon (p. 183)
Afterword: Imagining a Progressive Future (p. 207)
Appendix A: Americans' Progressive Policy Attitudes (p. 223)
Appendix B: Barack Obama's "Shift to the Center" in June of 2008 (p.
227)
Notes (pp. 228-272)
ENDORSEMENTS (Back Cover)
"Street punctures widely held myths in this unflinching and
unsentimental account of Obama's centrist, corporate-friendly
policies. But Street offers some saving grace here: a new Obama
administration may oxygenate the grassroots movements that are the
true architects of change, opening up space for hope."
—Charles Derber, Coauthor of Morality Wars and The New Feminized
Majority
"All those interested in truth rather than seduction should read
urgently this wise book by Paul Street, who peels away the mask of the
‘Obama phenomenon' and reveals power as it is, not as many of us wish
it to be."
—John Pilger, Director of the film, The War on Democracy
"That the Obama phenomenon is of considerable significance in American
social and political history should hardly be in doubt. But what
exactly is it, and where might it lead? This lucid and penetrating
book situates it firmly within the ‘corporate-dominated and
militaristic U.S. elections system and political culture,' explores in
depth its substantive content and its limits, and draws valuable
lessons about how these might be transcended in the unending struggle
to achieve a more just and free society and a peaceful world. It is a
very welcome contribution in complex and troubled times."
—Noam Chomsky
"Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics is a much needed
burst of clear, brisk conceptual air that cuts through the fog of
fantasy and wish-fulfillment. His meticulously researched, carefully
argued analysis of Obama's career and his politics performs an
important task of demystification. It is also an eloquent and bracing
reminder that progressive agendas will not be advanced through vesting
hopes and aspirations in candidate-centered politics, that there is no
quick and easy substitute for the task of building a serious,
institutionally grounded, working-class based political movement —from
the bottom up and top down."
—Adolph Reed Jr., University of Pennsylvania
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