[R-G] Fisk: ‘Collateral Damage’ Not Much Different From Targeted Killing
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Wed Oct 15 14:19:42 MDT 2008
‘Collateral Damage’ Not Much Different From Targeted Killing
http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20081011_collateral_damage_not_much_different_from_targeted_killing/
Posted on Oct 11, 2008
http://www.truthdig.com/report/print/20081011_collateral_damage_not_much_different_from_targeted_killing/
By Robert Fisk
Editor’s note: This article was originally posted at The Independent.
All kinds of horrors flop on to my Beirut doormat. There’s The
Independent’s mobile phone bill, a slew of blood-soaked local Lebanese
newspapers—“Saleh Aridi’s blood consolidates [Druze] reconciliation”,
was among the goriest of the past few days—and then there are files
from the dark memory lane through which all Middle East history has to
pass.
The repulsive Baath party archives of Saddam Hussein are the latest to
find a place on my coffee table, all marked “Secret”, unpublished—
though they formed the basis for the old man’s trial and for his
depraved hanging by the Iraqi government more than two years ago. I
reprint them now without excuse, for they have a bitter taste in the
“new” Iraq and in the “new” Afghanistan about which we still fantasise
as we send more Nato troops into Asia’s greatest military graveyard.
The documentary evidence of Saddam’s brutal inquiry into the killings
at the Shia Muslim village of Dujail in 1982 provides frightening,
fearful testament to the earnestness and cruelty of totalitarianism,
the original files of Saddam’s mukhabarat security services in their
hunt for the men who tried to assassinate the Iraqi dictator more than
a quarter of a century ago. Saddam was then the all-powerful leader of
a nation at war with Iran—an eight-year conflict that would cost the
lives of more than a million Muslims on both sides—and whose most
ruthless enemies were members of the Iranian-supported Al-Dawa Party
(including a certain Nouri al-Maliki). Saddam’s closest allies at this
time were the Gulf oil sheikhdoms—and the United States, which was
sending military supplies, chemical precursors and satellite
reconnaissance photographs to Baghdad to assist Saddam in his war
against Iran, a nation he had invaded two years earlier.
On his passage through Dujail, Saddam’s heavily armed convoy was
attacked by 10 villagers armed with Kalashnikov rifles. All were
killed at the time or hunted down and murdered later. In their
subsequent investigations, however, the mukhabarat—in this case
operating under the ominous title of the “Regime Crimes Liaison
office”—were able to use the system of tribe and sub-tribe in Dujail
to tease out the names of everyone associated with the attackers.
The patriarchal lineage—wherein all males carry their father’s,
grandfather’s, and great-grandfather’s names, sometimes back eight
generations—enabled the secret police to trace the male line of entire
families and thus to liquidate them all. Their womenfolk were
tortured, many of them raped. The men were butchered. One grandfather
lost all his sons and grandsons. His “treacherous” family line came to
an end. The ruthlessness of Saddam’s “Crimes Liaison Office” comes
across in their surviving reports.
We were assigned by the party to submit the names of the opposing and
malignant members of the treacherous Al-Dawa Party ...
A comrade’s greeting. Dun Shakir to the Comrade Member of the State
Command. Subject/Security report: Through the fact that the criminals
from Al-Dawa Party have attacked our Great Commander the Secretariat
of the State, the Striving Comrade Saddam Hussein, we raise the names
of the hostile families that are against the party and revolution,
knowing that we already raised several reports and surveys on these
criminals whose names are below.”
And there follows a sheaf of files listing the accused families and
their menfolk. Of the Al-Tayyar sub-tribe of the Abu Haideri tribe of
Dujail, for example, there is a great grandfather called Abdullah with
three children—Asad, Mohammed and Suheil—who themselves have nine
children—Sabri, Ali, Nayif, Jasim, Hassan, Qadir, Kabsun, Yasin and
Hani. Saddam’s secret police fell upon their sons: Ammar, Abdel Salam,
Qasim, Sahib, Sa’ad, another Qasim (son of Qadir), Hashim, Ali, a
second Ali (son of Yassin) and Thamir.
All of the latter were executed on Saddam’s orders. So was another of
Jasim’s other sons—Nabil—and four more of Hassan’s sons—Hussein (who
was indeed involved in the assassination attempt on Saddam) and Fatih
and Salim and Mohammed and Mahmoud. Five more of their first cousins—
Ahmed, Abdullah, Mohammed, Mahmoud and Abbas—were also done to death.
Thus only one male issue of great-grandfather Abdullah’s entire family
escaped Saddam’s execution squads. But these were just the male
children of one family. Saddam’s murderers were after many more. The
investigators at Saddam’s trial noticed one telling trait among his
secret police officers. If they were reporting an execution, they
would scribble their signature. If they were sending intelligence
information, they would sign their names in full. After the fall of
Saddam, of course, it was not difficult to match up the full names
with the scribbled signatures.
But now I ask a question. When US troops massacre Iraqi civilians in
Haditha because their buddy has been murdered, what is the difference
between their revenge and that of Saddam? When a Taliban attack on
Nato forces in Afghanistan provokes a US air strike on a village and
leaves women and children torn to pieces in the ruins—this now seems
the inevitable result—what is the difference between those innocent
deaths and the destruction of the families of Abdullah’s grandchildren
in Dujail?
Yes, I know that Saddam’s thugs selected the relatives of his enemies
and we merely kill anyone in the area of our enemies. And yes, I grant
you the outcome is not the same. The Iraqi dictator was hanged in
Baghdad in 2006, cursed by his hooded Shia “Al-Dawa” executioners as
he stood on the scaffold. For us, there will be no hangings.
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