[R-G] Can We Talk About the Real Obama Now?
Richard Menec
menecraj at shaw.ca
Mon Nov 10 12:10:26 MST 2008
<http://prorev.com/2008/11/can-we-talk-about-real-obama-now.html>
Wednesday, November 5, 2008
CAN WE TALK ABOUT THE REAL OBAMA NOW?
Sam Smith
Over the past few weeks I've been a good boy. I've placed everything having
to do with the real Barack Obama into a futures file and spent my time on
the far grimmer matter of the real John McCain and Sarah Palin.
Now the party is over and it's time for people to put away their Barack and
Michelle dolls and start dealing with what has truly happened.
This, I admit, is difficult because the real Obama doesn't exist yet. He
follows in the footsteps of our first postmodern president, Bill Clinton,
who observed the principles outlined by scholar Pauline Marie Rosenau:
Post-modernists recognize an infinite number of interpretations . . . of any
text are possible because, for the skeptical post-modernists, one can never
say what one intends with language, [thus] ultimately all textual meaning,
all interpretation is undecipherable.. . . Many diverse meanings are
possible for any symbol, gesture, word . . . Language has no direct
relationship to the real world; it is, rather, only symbolic.
As James Krichick wrote in the New Republic, "Obama is, in his own words,
something of a Rorschach test. In his latest book, The Audacity of Hope, he
writes, 'I am new enough on the national political scene that I serve as a
blank screen on which people of vastly different political stripes project
their own views.' "
This is remarkably similar to Ted Koppel's description of Vanna White of
TV's Wheel of Fortune: "Vanna leaves an intellectual vacuum, which can be
filled by whatever the predisposition of the viewer happens to be."
Obama has left the same kind of vacuum. His magic, or con, was that voters
could imagine whatever they wanted and he would do nothing to spoil their
reverie. He was a handsome actor playing the part of the first black
president-to-be and, as in films, he was careful not to muck up the role
with real facts or issues that might harm the fantasy. Hence the enormous
emphasis on meaningless phrases like hope and change.
Of course, in Obama's postmodern society -- one that rises above the
purported false teachings of partisanship -- we find ourselves with little
to steer us save the opinions of whatever non-ideologue happens to be in
power. In this case, we may really only have progressed from the ideology of
the many to the ideology of the one or, some might say, from democracy to
authoritarianism.
The Obama campaign was driven in no small part by a younger generation
trained to accept brands as a substitute for policies. If the 1960s had
happened like this, the activists would have spent all their time trying to
get Martin Luther King or Joan Baez elected president rather than pursing
ancillary issues like ending segregation and the war in Vietnam.
Obama himself took his vaunted experience in community organizing and turned
its principles on its head. Instead of empowering the many at the bottom, he
used the techniques to empower one at the top: himself.
It is historic that a black has been elected president, but we should
remember that Obama was not running against Bull Connor, George Wallace or
Strom Thurmond. Putting Obama in the same class as earlier black activists
discredits the honor of those who died, suffered physical harm or were
repeatedly jailed to achieve equality. Obama is not a catalyst of change,
but rather its belated beneficiary. The delay, to be sure, is striking;
after all, the two white elite sports of tennis and golf were integrated
long before presidential politics, but Washington - as Phil Hart said of the
Senate - has always been a place that always does things twenty years after
it should have.
There is an informative precedent to Obama's rise. Forty-two years ago
Edward Brooke became the first black senator to be elected with a majority
of white votes. Brooke was chosen from Massachusetts as a Republican in a
state that was 97% white.
Jason Sokol, who teaches history at the University of Pennsylvania, wrote in
History News Network:
|||| On Election Day, Brooke triumphed with nearly 60 percent of the vote.
Newspapers and magazines hummed with approval. The Boston Globe invoked a
legacy that included the Pilgrims, Daniel Webster, and Charles Sumner,
offering the Bay State as the nation's racial and political pioneer.
Journalist Carl Rowan was among the unconvinced. For whites, voting for
Brooke became "a much easier way to wipe out guilt feelings about race than
letting a Negro family into the neighborhood or shaking up a Jim Crow school
setup." Polling numbers lent credence to Rowan's unease. They showed that
only 23 percent of Massachusetts residents approved of a statewide school
integration law; just 17 percent supported open housing. ||||
That's the problem with change coming from the top, as Obama might have
heard when he was involved in real community organizing. It also helps to
explain why there have been no more Catholic presidents since John Kennedy.
Symbolism is not the change we need.
Getting at the reality of Obama is difficult. He performs as the great black
liberal, but since he is one half white and one half conservative, that
doesn't leave him a lot of wiggle room.
To be sure, in the Senate he got good ratings from various liberal groups,
but two things need to be remembered:
First, liberals aren't that liberal any more. Thus getting a 90% score
merely means that you went along with the best that an extremely
conservative Democratic Party was willing to risk. This is not a party that
would, in these times, have passed Social Security, Medicare or minimum
wage. In fact, many liberals aren't much interested in economic issues at
all - especially that portion of the constituency that controls the money,
the media and the message.
Second, politicians reflect their constituency. Obama's constituency is no
longer Illinois. He has a whole new set of folks to pander to.
There is one story from Chicago, however, that remains relevant. A citizen
walks into his alderman's office looking for a job. "Who sent you?" he asks.
"Nobody," he replies. Says the staffer: "We don't want nobody nobody sent."
Who sent Barack Obama remains a mystery. He has risen from an unknown state
senator to president in exactly four years and that only happens when
somebody sends for you.
The black liberal image falters on a number of other scores including
Obama's affection for extreme right wingers like Chuck Hagel and an obvious
indifference to anybody who votes like, say, a state senator from Hyde Park.
Think back over the campaign and try to recall a single instance when Obama
reached out to the progressive wing of the Democratic Party or to the better
angels of the Congressional Black Caucus. Instead his ads attacked as
'extreme' the single payer health insurance backed by many of his own
supporters, he dissed ACORN and Colin Powell was as radical a black as he
wanted to be seen palling around with.
The key issue that has driven Obama throughout his career has been Obama. He
has achieved virtually nothing for any other cause. His politics reflects
whatever elite consensus he gathers around himself. This is why his "post
partisanship" needs to be watched so carefully. If Bernie Sanders and John
Conyers don't get to White House meetings as often as Chuck Hagel, Obama
will glide easily to the right, as every president has done over the past
thirty years. If liberals, as they did with Clinton, watch without a murmur
as their president redesigns their party to fit his personal ambitions, then
the whole country will continue to move to the right as well.
Since the real Obama doesn't exist yet, it is impossible to predict with any
precision what he will do. But here is some of the evidence gathered over
the past months that should serve both as a warning and as a prod to
progressives not to take today's dreams as a reasonable facsimile of
reality:
Business interests
Advisor Cass Sunstein told Jeffrey Rosen of the NY Times: "I would be
stunned to find an anti-business [Supreme Court] appointee from either
[Clinton or Obama]. There's not a strong interest on the part of Obama or
Clinton in demonizing business, and you wouldn't expect to see that in their
Supreme Court nominees."
Obama supported making it harder to file class action suits in state courts.
David Sirota in the Nation wrote, "Opposed by most major civil rights and
consumer watchdog groups, this big business-backed legislation was sold to
the public as a way to stop 'frivolous' lawsuits. But everyone in Washington
knew the bill's real objective was to protect corporate abusers."
He voted for a business-friendly "tort reform" bill
He voted against a 30% interest rate cap on credit cards
He had the most number of foreign lobbyist contributors in the primaries
He was even more popular with Pentagon contractors than McCain
He was most popular of the candidates with K Street lobbyists
In 2003, rightwing Democratic Leadership Council named Obama as one of its
"100 to Watch." After he was criticized in the black media, Obama
disassociated himself with the DLC. But his major economic advisor, Austan
Goolsbee, is also chief economist of the conservative organization. Writes
Doug Henwood of the Left Business Observer, "Goolsbee has written gushingly
about Milton Friedman and denounced the idea of a moratorium on mortgage
foreclosures."
Added Henwood, "Top hedge fund honcho Paul Tudor Jones threw a fundraiser
for him at his Greenwich house last spring, 'The whole of Greenwich is
backing Obama,' one source said of the posh headquarters of the hedge fund
industry. They like him because they're socially liberal, up to a point, and
probably eager for a little less war, and think he's the man to do their
work. They're also confident he wouldn't undertake any renovations to the
distribution of wealth."
Civil liberties
He supports the war on drugs
He supports the crack-cocaine sentence disparity
He supports Real ID
He supports the PATRIOT Act
He supports the death penalty
He opposes lowering the drinking age to 18
He supported amnesty for telecoms engaged in illegal spying on Americans
Conservatives
He went to Connecticut to support Joe Lieberman in the primary against Ned
Lamont
Wrote Paul Street in Z Magazine, "Obama has lent his support to the aptly
named Hamilton Project, formed by corporate-neo-liberal Citigroup chair
Robert Rubin and other Wall Street Democrats to counter populist rebellion
against corporatist tendencies within the Democratic Party. . . Obama was
recently hailed as a Hamiltonian believer in limited government and free
trade by Republican New York Times columnist David Brooks, who praises Obama
for having "a mentality formed by globalization, not the SDS."
Writes the London Times, "Obama is hoping to appoint cross-party figures to
his cabinet such as Chuck Hagel, the Republican senator for Nebraska and an
opponent of the Iraq war, and Richard Lugar, leader of the Republicans on
the Senate foreign relations committee. Senior advisers confirmed that
Hagel, a highly decorated Vietnam war veteran and one of McCain's closest
friends in the Senate, was considered an ideal candidate for defense
secretary.
Richard Lugar was rated 0% by SANE. . . rated 0% by AFL-CIO. . . rated 0% BY
NARAL. . . rated 12% by American Public Health Association. . . rated 0% by
Alliance for Retired Americans. . . rated 27% by the National Education
Association. . . rated 5% by League of Conservation Voters. . . He voted no
on implementing the 9/11 Commission report. . . Vote against providing
habeas corpus for Gitmo prisoners. . .voted no on comprehensive test ban
treaty. . .voted against same sex marriage. . . strongly anti-abortion. . .
opposed to more federal funding for healthcare. . .voted for
unconstitutional wiretapping. . .voted to increase penalties for drug
violations
Chuck Hagel was rated 0% by NARAL. . . rated 11% by NAACP. . . rated 0% by
Human Rights Coalition. . . rated 100% by Christian Coalition. . . rated 12%
by American Public Health Association. . . rated 22% by Alliance for Retired
Americans. . . rated 36% by the National Education Association. . . rated 0%
by League of Conservation Voters. . . rated 8% by AFL-CIO. . . He is
strongly anti-abortion. . .voted for anti-flag desecration amendment. .
.voted to increase penalties for drug violations. . . favors privatizing
Social Security
Ecology
Obama voted for a nuclear energy bill that included money for bunker buster
bombs and full funding for Yucca Mountain.
He supports federally funded ethanol and is unusually close to the ethanol
industry.
He led his party's reversal of a 25-year ban on off-shore oil drilling
Education
Obama has promised to double funding for private charter schools, part of a
national effort undermining public education.
He supports the No Child Left Behind Act albeit expressing reservations
about its emphasis on testing. Writes Cory Mattson, "Despite NCLB''s loss of
credibility among educators and the deadlock surrounding its attempted
reauthorization in 2007, Barack Obama still offers his support. Even the two
unions representing teachers, both which for years supported reform of the
policy to avoid embarrassing their Democratic Party 'friends,' declared in
2008 that the policy is too fundamentally flawed to be reformed and should
be eliminated."
Fiscal policy
Obama rejected moratoriums on foreclosures and a freeze on rates, measures
supported by his primary opponents John Edwards and Hillary Clinton
He was a strong supporter of the $700 billion cash-for-trash banker bailout
plan.
Two of his top advisors are former Goldman Sachs chair Robert Rubin and
Lawrence Summers. Noted Glen Ford of black Agenda Report, "In February 1999,
Rubin and Summers flanked Fed Chief Alan Greenspan on the cover of Time
magazine, heralded as, 'The Committee to Save the World.' Summers was then
Secretary of the Treasury for Bill Clinton, having succeeded his mentor,
Rubin, in that office. Together with Greenspan, the trio had in the previous
year labored successfully to safeguard derivatives, the exotic 'ticking time
bomb' financial instruments, from federal regulation."
Robert Scheer notes that "Rubin, who pocketed tens of millions running
Goldman Sachs before becoming treasury secretary, is the man who got
President Clinton to back legislation by then-Sen. Phil Gramm, R-Texas, to
unleash banking greed on an unprecedented scale."
Obama's fund-raising machine has been headed by Penny Prtizker former chair
of the Superior Bank, one of the first to get into subprime mortgages. While
she resigned as chair of the family business in 1994, as late as 2001 she
was still on the board and wrote a letter saying that her family was
recapitalizing the bank and pledging to "once again restore Superior's
leadership position in subprime lending." The bank shut down two months
later and the Pritzker family would pay $460 million in a settlement with
the government.
Foreign policy
Obama endorsed US involvement in the failed drug war in Colombia: "When I am
president, we will continue the Andean Counter-Drug Program."
He has expressed a willingness to bomb Iran and won't rule out a first
strike nuclear attack.
He has endorsed bombing or invading Pakistan to go after Al Qaeda in
violation of international law. He has called Pakistan "the right
battlefield ... in the war on terrorism."
He supports Israeli aggression and apartheid. Obama has deserted previous
support for two-state solution to Mid East situation and refuses to
negotiate with Hamas.
He has supported Jerusalem as the capitol of Israel, saying "it must remain
undivided."
He favors expanding the war in Afghanistan.
Although he claims to want to get out of Iraq, his top Iraq advisor wrote
that America should keep between 60,000 and 80,000 troops in Iraq. Obama, in
his appearances, blurred the difference between combat soldiers and other
troops.
He indicated to Amy Goodman that he would leave 140,000 private contractors
and mercenaries in Iraq because "we don't have the troops to replace them."
He has called Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez an enemy of the United States
and urged sanctions against him.
He claimed "one of the things that I think George H.W. Bush doesn't get
enough credit for was his foreign policy team and the way that he helped
negotiate the end of the Cold War and prosecuted the Gulf War. That cost us
$20 billion dollars. That's all it cost. It was extremely successful. I
think there were a lot of very wise people."
He has hawkish foreign policy advisors who have been involved in past US
misdeeds and failures. These include Zbigniew Brzezinski, Anthony Lake,
General Merrill McPeak, and Dennis Ross.
It has been reported that he might well retain as secretary of defense
Robert Gates who supports actions in violation of international law against
countries merely suspected of being unwilling or unable to halt threats by
militant groups.
Gays
Obama opposes gay marriage. He wouldn't have photo taken with San Francisco
mayor because he was afraid it would seem that he supported gay marriage
Health
Obama opposes single payer healthcare or Medicare for all.
Military
Obama would expand the size of the military.
National Service
Obama favors a national service plan that appears to be in sync with one
being promoted by a new coalition that would make national service mandatory
by 2020, and with a bill requiring such mandatory national service
introduced by Rep. Charles Rangel.
He announced in Colorado Springs last July, "We cannot continue to rely on
our military in order to achieve the national security objectives we've set.
We've got to have a civilian national security force that's just as
powerful, just as strong, just as well-funded."
On another occasion he said, "It's also important that a president speaks to
military service as an obligation not just of some, but of many. You know, I
traveled, obviously, a lot over the last 19 months. And if you go to small
towns, throughout the Midwest or the Southwest or the South, every town has
tons of young people who are serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. That's not
always the case in other parts of the country, in more urban centers. And I
think it's important for the president to say, this is an important
obligation. If we are going into war, then all of us go, not just some."
Some have seen this as a call for reviving the draft.
He has attacked the exclusion of ROTC on some college campuses
Presidential crimes
Obama aggressively opposed impeachment actions against Bush. One of his key
advisors, Cass Sunstein of the University of Chicago Law School, said
prosecuting government officials risks a "cycle" of criminalizing public
service.
Progressives
Unlike his deferential treatment of right wing conservatives, Obama's
treatment of the left has been dismissive to insulting. He dissed Nader for
daring to run for president again. And he called the late Paul Wellstone
"something of a gadfly"
Public Campaign Financing
Obama's retreat from public campaign financing has endangered the whole
concept.
Social welfare
Obama wrote that conservatives and Bill Clinton were right to destroy social
welfare,
Social Security
Early in the campaign, Obama said, "everything is on the table" with Social
Security.
....................
As things now stand, the election primarily represents the extremist center
seizing power back from the extremist right. We have moved from the prospect
of disasters to the relative comfort of mere crises.
Using the word 'extreme' alongside the term 'center' is no exaggeration.
Nearly all major damage to the United States in recent years - a rare
exception being 9/11 - has been the result of decisions made not by right or
left but by the post partisan middle: Vietnam, Iraq, the assault on
constitutional liberties, the huge damage to the environment, and the
collapse of the economy - to name a few. Go back further in history and
you'll find, for example, the KKK riddled with members of the establishment
including - in Colorado - a future governor, senator and mayor after whom
Denver's airport is named. The center, to which Obama pays such homage, has
always been where most of the trouble lies.
The only thing that will make Obama the president pictured in the campaign
fantasy is unapologetic, unswerving and unendingly pressure on him in a
progressive and moral direction, for he will not go there on his own. But
what, say, gave the New Deal its progressive nature was pressure from the
left of a sort that simply doesn't exist today.
Above are listed nearly three dozen things that Obama supports or opposes
with which no good liberal or progressive would agree. Unfortunately, what's
out there now, however, looks more like a rock concert crowd or evangelical
tent meeting than a determined and directed political constituency. Which
isn't so surprising given how successful our system has been at getting
people to accept sights, sounds, symbols and semiotics as substitutes for
reality. Once again, it looks like we'll have to learn the hard way.
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