[R-G] Democratic candidates agree on expanded US military aggression in the Middle East
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Tue May 6 09:19:52 MDT 2008
Democratic candidates agree on expanded US military aggression in the
Middle East
By Patrick Martin
5 May 2008
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2008/may2008/dems-m05.shtml
In dueling television appearances Sunday morning, Democratic
presidential candidates Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton declared
their determination to escalate US military action in the Middle East,
disagreeing mainly over which country should be targeted first.
Obama called for a “surge” of US troops into Afghanistan, while
Clinton reaffirmed her bloodcurdling rhetoric about the “obliteration”
of Iran.
Both candidates demonstrated that their criticism of the Bush
administration’s invasion and occupation of Iraq does not represent
opposition to American militarism, but rather a concern—voiced even by
significant sections of the military itself—that the war in Iraq has
become a diversion from other, even more important, strategic
objectives.
Obama was interviewed on the NBC News program “Meet the Press,” while
Clinton appeared on ABC’s “This Week.”
Tim Russert, host of “Meet the Press,” cited an NBC News report that
the Bush administration is drawing up plans for air strikes against
Iranian weapons factories and military training facilities, on the
pretext that these sites are helping insurgents kill US soldiers in
Iraq. “If it could be demonstrated that was a fact, would you be in
support of such limited attacks in Iran?” he asked Obama.
The Democratic candidate did not challenge the premise of the
question, or recall that that Bush administration used similar
propaganda before the invasion of Iraq, circulating claims of Iraqi
links to terrorism and weapons of mass destruction that proved bogus.
Instead, he said he would want to “take a look at the kind of evidence
that the administration is putting forward, what these plans are
exactly. I’ve always said that, you know, as commander in chief, I
don’t take military options off the table and I think it’s appropriate
for us to plan for a whole host of contingencies.”
He went on to criticize the Bush administration because “Iran has been
the biggest strategic beneficiary of our invasion of Iraq, they are
stronger because of our decision to go in.” It was necessary to begin
redeploying US combat troops and disavow plans for a permanent
occupation of Iraq in order to strengthen the US position in the
region, he said.
When Russert asked him another loaded question—citing the suggestion
of the US ambassador to Iraq, Ryan Crocker, that a quick withdrawal of
US troops from Iraq could result in genocide—Obama again did not
dispute the premise, let alone cite the estimates of more than one
million Iraqi dead as a consequence of the US invasion and occupation.
Instead, he reiterated his support for a “phased withdrawal” that
would leave some US combat troops in Iraq at least until the end of
2010.
Asked about Hillary Clinton’s statement that in the event of an
Iranian nuclear attack on Israel, the United States military response
would “obliterate” Iran, Obama criticized Clinton’s choice of words,
but not her avowed policy, which would amount to using US nuclear
weapons to annihilate a country of 71 million people.
Comparing Clinton to George W. Bush, Obama said, “We have had a
foreign policy of bluster and saber-rattling and tough talk, and, in
the meantime, we make a series of strategic decisions that actually
strengthen Iran.”
When pressed by Russert, however, he said, “Israel is an ally of ours.
It is the most important ally we have in the region, and there’s no
doubt that we would act forcefully and appropriately on any attack...
nuclear or otherwise.” Obama added that Clinton’s threat of nuclear
retaliation actually constituted acceptance of the idea that Iran
might acquire nuclear weapons, when US foreign policy should directed
at stopping such a development.
The final foreign policy question was on Afghanistan. Russert asked
Obama directly, “Would you, as president, be willing to have a
military surge in Afghanistan in order to, once and for all, eliminate
the Taliban?”
Obama responded: “Yes. I think that’s what we need. I think we need
more troops there, I think we need to do a better job of
reconstruction there. I think we have to be focused on Afghanistan. It
is one of the reasons that I was opposed to the war in Iraq in the
first place... And we’re also going to have to address the situation
in Pakistan, where we now have, in the federated areas, Al Qaeda and
the Taliban setting up bases there.”
The last response demonstrates most clearly that Obama is not an
“antiwar” candidate in any genuine sense of the term. He wants (some)
US troops out of Iraq, not to lessen the slaughter of the Iraqi people—
as well as casualties among American soldiers—but to shift the scene
of battle to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria or some other country, whose
people will be targeted in the interests of American imperialism.
Clinton was interviewed for an hour by George Stephanopoulos of ABC
News (a former top aide in the 1992 presidential campaign of her
husband, and in the Clinton White House). She defended her comment
about the “obliteration” of Iran, although the interviewer did not
attempt to pin her down on the potential death toll of such a nuclear
onslaught.
“Why would I have any regrets?” she said. “I’m asked a question about
what I would do if Iran attacked our ally, a country that many of us
have a great deal of, you know, connection with and feeling for, for
all kinds of reasons. And, yes, we would have massive retaliation
against Iran.”
She also repeated her call for the United States to extend its nuclear
“protection” to the Arab monarchies like Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the
Persian Gulf sheikhdoms—countries which, except for Jordan, are still
nominally at war with the state of Israel, and certainly more in
danger from Israel’s stockpile of 250 atomic bombs than from Iran’s as-
yet-nonexistent nuclear arsenal.
Clinton reiterated one of the standard pretexts used by the Bush
administration to justify its aggression against Iraq, saying, “We
have to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons throughout the
region, because I’m not so concerned about them falling into the hands
of states, which is bad enough, as I am about falling into the hands
of terrorists.”
She argued that a US offer of nuclear protection could forestall an
effort by Saudi Arabia or some other Arab country to develop nuclear
weapons on its own to offset the hypothetical Iranian bomb.
Clinton has repeatedly sought to position herself against Obama as the
more hawkish and pro-Israeli of the Democratic candidates. Last week,
she campaigned through North Carolina—home of one the biggest
concentrations of US military personnel—with eight retired generals
and admirals, including Gen. Hugh Shelton, former chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Television footage of her campaign showed Clinton appearing at events
in Fayetteville and Jacksonville (near the huge Ft. Bragg military
base), in front of a podium backdrop decorated with the slogan
“Solutions for a Strong Military.”
Clinton’s “obliteration” threat against Iran has produced a much
bigger stir internationally than in the United States. Iranian
diplomats filed a protest with the UN Security Council. A Saudi-based
newspaper, the Arab News, described the threat as “the foreign
politics of the madhouse,” adding that “it demonstrates the same
doltish ignorance that has distinguished Bush’s foreign relations.”
A British cabinet minister, Lord Mark Malloch-Brown, told the House of
Lords, “it is probably not prudent in today’s world to threaten to
obliterate any other country and in many cases civilians resident in
such a country.”
The only significant exception to the predictable silence in the US
media came from the Boston Globe, in an editorial headlined, “Hillary
Strangelove,” which concluded, “A presidential candidate who lightly
commits to obliterating Iran—and, presumably, all the children,
parents and grandparents in Iran—should not be answering the White
House phone at any time of day or night.”
It was notable that in their Sunday appearances, neither Obama nor
Clinton made mention of the statement Friday by the Republican
presidential nominee John McCain that oil was the reason for US
military intervention in Iraq and the Persian Gulf, nor were they
asked about it by their network interviewers.
McCain blurted out this remark at a town hall meeting at the Jewish
Community Center in Denver, Colorado. According to press accounts,
McCain told a crowd of 300, “My friends, I will have an energy policy
that we will be talking about, which will eliminate our dependence on
oil from the Middle East. That will prevent us from having ever to
send our young men and women into conflict again in the Middle East.”
The Republican candidate subsequently sought to back away from this
too-frank admission. His campaign issued a “clarification” that in
McCain’s view, the US war with Iraq in 1991 was about oil, but the war
launched by the Bush-Cheney administration in 2003 was not.
The Democratic candidates launched a whole series of largely demagogic
sallies against McCain in the course of their hour-long interviews.
But they declined to bring up his inadvertent admission of a central
reason for the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, because they are
equally committed to maintaining US control of the oil resources of
the Middle East.
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