[R-G] Ideological Mine Fields
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Thu May 1 08:48:30 MDT 2008
Wednesday, April 30, 2008
Ideological Mine Fields
By Stephen Gowans
http://gowans.blogspot.com/2008/04/ideological-mine-fields.html
It’s easy to rail against The Times of London, The Telegraph, Canada’s
The National Post and scores of US equivalents for being the worst
kind of purveyors of right-wing propaganda. These advocates of all
that is backward, with their philosophy of unremitting indulgence for
the rich and limitless harshness for the poor, wear their reactionary,
jingoist attitudes on their sleeves. They strive to be “in your face”
– and are. But because they make no secret of their right-wing
prejudices, their propaganda value in the larger population is
approximately zero. These newspapers consciously cater to a right-wing
constituency. There’s no need to worry about stumbling into
ideological mine fields here; the mine field has been conveniently
fenced off and bright warning signs have been deployed along the
periphery.
More dangerous, like a mine field cleverly concealed beneath an
inviting patch of turf sporting signs reading: “Please walk on the
grass” are the respectable, seemingly balanced, quality newspapers.
They share the same right-wing prejudices, but skillfully disguise
them and package them to be palatable to those who aren’t inclined to
spout right-wing shibboleths. Chomsky, Herman and others have been
dissecting the reporting of these newspapers – the New York Times in
particular – to show that the biases of so-called liberal media tilt
just as strongly toward ruling class interests as their unabashedly
right-wing counterparts do. The genius of the liberal media lies in
reproducing ruling class ideology without seeming to – the deception
aided by their being starkly different on the surface from their
conspicuously right-wing cousins.
The same can be said of progressive and radical sources of
information. In societies dominated by hereditary capitalist families
and corporate wealth there are few places hived off from the influence
of those who own the society’s productive assets. One way in which the
corporate ruling class extends its influence to the progressive and
radical communities is through buffer organizations. Buffer
organizations include foundations, as well as government agencies that
have names that appeal to traditional progressive concerns about peace
and democracy. The United States Institute for Peace, for example,
sounds like it might engage in the kind of work progressives can
applaud, but is a buffer organization of the US State Department and
Pentagon. The National Endowment for Democracy, which claims to
promote democratization around the world, appears to be engaged in
praiseworthy work, but works to destabilize foreign countries whose
economic policies are not conducive to the interests of US investment
banks and corporations.
It is through these buffer organizations that wealthy individuals like
billionaire financier George Soros and former Michael Milken right-
hand man Peter Ackerman, hereditary capitalist families like the
Fords, Rockefellers and Carnegies, and the governments they dominate,
connect with the progressive community. These connections reach into
sources of progressive and radical news and analysis.
Consider two recent examples. Last March, Z-Net published an article
on Zimbabwe by a founding member of the Movement for Democratic
Change, a coalition of foreign-funded civil society organizations that
came together in 2000 to oppose Zimbabwe’s Zanu-PF government as it
was about to embark on a program of fast-track land reform. The leader
of the MDC, Morgan Tsvangirai, acknowledged in 2002 that the MDC is
funded by the British government and European corporations. Both
Washington and London have since openly admitted to bankrolling
Zimbabwe’s opposition and its civil society adjuncts. The author of
the piece, Grace Kwinjeh, who has traveled to Washington on George
Soros’ tab to confer with Washington’s regime changers on how to get
rid of the Mugabe government, failed to acknowledge her MDC
credentials, passing herself off as an independent journalist (kind of
like Donald Rumsfeld writing commentary on US elections for a
Zimbabwean audience while pretending to be an independent US
journalist.) To give the article a radical feel, Patrick Bond added
his name as co-author. Bond had assured progressives in a Counterpunch
article last year that the Western funded Zimbabwean underground
movements Zvakwana and Sokwanele, which count among their number “a
conservative white businessman expressing a passion for freedom,
tradition, polite manners and the British Royals” represent an
“independent” left. In Bond’s and Kwinjeh’s lexicon, “US/British
funded fifth columnist” equals “independent.”
In April, MRZine published an article titled “China still a small
player in Africa,” by Firoze Manji, the director of Fahuma and editor
of Pambazuka News. Pambazuka News operates on grants from the Ford
Foundation and George Soros. Fahuma is backed by the US Congress-
funded Media Institute of Southern Africa, the European Union, and the
British Foreign and Commonwealth Office. (You can read Bond on
Pambazuka News, too.)
How far does Grace Kwinjeh stray from the views of the MDC when she’s
masquerading as an independent journalist, and how far do the views of
the MDC stray from its regime change underwriters in Washington and
London? Are Manji’s views independent of the corporate foundations,
wealthy individuals and imperialist governments who allow Pambazuka
News and Fahuma to operate, and provide him a remunerative and
interesting job?
You don’t have to log onto Z-Net to find out what the MDC’s views are
and you don’t need to read MRZine to discover what the British Foreign
and Commonwealth Office, George Soros and the Ford Foundation think
about Africa. But if you go to these sources directly, you know what
you’re getting into. Not so if you go to Z-Net and MRZine; you might
think you’re getting an “independent” left view, but you could be
getting a ruling class view, repackaged to be leftist-friendly. This
mine field doesn’t come with warning signs.
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