[R-G] Disenfranchising the people of Zimbabwe
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Mon Jun 23 17:16:03 MDT 2008
Monday 23 June 2008
Brendan O’Neill
Disenfranchising the people of Zimbabwe
http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php?/site/article/5374/
Morgan Tsvangirai’s withdrawal from the presidential run-off is
understandable – but it exposes the undemocratic dynamic to Western
interference.
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Morgan Tsvangirai’s decision to pull out of the second round of
Zimbabwe’s presidential election is entirely understandable. Having
been arrested five times over the past three months – and having
watched as supporters of his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) were
roughed up, thrown in jail, and prevented from speaking freely or
gathering openly – Tsvangirai clearly feels that the election will be
unfair, illegitimate and, for him at least, unwinnable. Robert Mugabe
and his henchmen, who have attacked and even murdered MDC campaigners,
have made it near impossible for a free and fair election to take place.
And yet the effective cancellation of the election, followed by
Tsvangirai’s calls for the United Nations, the African Union and South
Africa to intervene in order to prevent a ‘genocide’, also shows up
the dangers of internationalising local conflicts. The events of the
past 24 hours demonstrate that Western governments’ relentless
exploitation of the Zimbabwe crisis has helped to disenfranchise the
Zimbabwean people. Literally. The logic of Western pressure has made
the MDC reliant on the favour and flattery of external forces, rather
than on the grit and the votes of its own mass support base.
Commentators argue that external governments have ‘ignored’ Zimbabwe
for too long. The problem is precisely the opposite: there has been
too much interference. Over the past decade, American and European
leaders cynically transformed Mugabe’s Zimbabwe into the West’s
whipping boy in Africa, a ‘pariah state’ against which they could
pontificate in order to demonstrate their seriousness about combating
‘evil’ in global affairs. Governments and institutions imposed
economic sanctions on Zimbabwe, froze international loans, warned off
foreign investors, denied Zimbabwean officials the right to travel
freely around the world, and seriously discussed taking military action.
The impact of this singling out of Zimbabwe for economic and political
punishment has been dire. Firstly, Western meddling has contributed
enormously to Zimbabwe’s current economic crisis. It is reported that
the Zimbabwean economy has shrunk by more than a third since 1999, a
‘decline worse than in major African civil wars’ (1). According to one
critical author – Gregory Elich, author of Strange Liberators:
Militarism, Mayhem and the Pursuit of Profit – this economic collapse
was in no small part caused by ‘Western financial restrictions,
[which] made it nearly impossible for Zimbabwe to engage in normal
international trade’ (2).
Secondly, Western interference has warped the political dynamic in
Zimbabwe, and weakened the mass of the population. The transformation
of Zimbabwe’s local clashes into an international morality play has
made Mugabe more belligerent and intractable. Massively isolated by
world opinion, and transformed into ‘the Hitler of Africa’, Mugabe has
little to lose by way of international reputation in violently
usurping the free and fair electoral process. Indeed, if anything, the
borderline colonialist actions of Western governments have helped
Mugabe – an old anti-colonial warrior – to shore up his support base
in Zimbabwe. At the same time, Western intervention has led his
opponents in the MDC to make an inexorable turn towards the
international sphere over their own grassroots supporters. The West’s
incessant and loud declarations about ‘saving Zimbabwe’ means the MDC
is more likely to appeal to powerful institutions over here rather
than harness the power of its millions of supporters over there.
Following the first presidential election at the end of March – which
the MDC won, but not outright – Tsvangirai immediately left Zimbabwe
and spent six weeks touring the world. He presented regional leaders
in southern Africa with evidence that ‘Mugabe planned attacks on the
opposition’, and then ‘embarked on an international tour to rally
support for democracy in his country’ (3). Last year, the US State
Department confirmed for the first time that it had sponsored ‘events’
in Zimbabwe aimed at ‘discrediting’ Mugabe, and it is reported that
the MDC also receives financial backing and political direction from
Britain, Germany, Holland and Denmark (4).
The logic of contemporary ‘humanitarian intervention’, which presents
the international community as the saviour of beleaguered populations,
is that opposition movements in the South often spend more time
cultivating big backers in the West than leading, convincing or
strengthening their own support base. The withdrawal of the MDC from
the election – in order that, as one commentator says, the UN and
others might ‘intervene to rescue Zimbabwe’s people’ (5) – is the
logical conclusion to this process: people in Zimbabwe can no longer
vote for ‘democratic change’, but rather must wait to be saved by
outsiders.
Tsvangirai’s withdrawal from the presidential run-off does not only
show that Mugabe’s Zanu-PF is jealously guarding its power by
denigrating democracy. It also is a powerful metaphor for the impact
of ‘humanitarian’ meddling in other state’s affairs, where millions of
people have effectively been robbed of their vote, and have been
turned overnight from active subjects who might vote or fight against
their opponents into pathetic objects who must be ‘rescued’ by brave
external observers. Zimbabwe shows that Western intervention always
makes things worse: it has contributed to a dire economic crisis,
entrenched political divisions, and helped to disenfranchise the
Zimbabwean people. Mugabe might beat people up for ‘voting the wrong
way’; now they won’t even have the choice to ‘vote the wrong way’.
Voting for the MDC under Mugabe may have been a very risky endeavour,
but millions were prepared to take that risk. Now, instead, they have
effectively been turned into the charges of powerful external actors.
Between being harassed by Mugabe and rescued by the West – these must
not be the only choices for the people of Zimbabwe.
Brendan O’Neill is editor of spiked. Visit his website here.
Previously on spiked
Brendan O’Neill said American and European governments have
transformed Mugabe’s Zimbabwe into the West’s whipping boy in Africa.
Chris Bickerton argued that Mugabe’s refusal to stand down was being
used as a stick to beat Africa. In 2007, Western journalists spoke of
a revolution in Zimbabwe, but David Chandler said the picture on the
ground was more one of disillusionment and resignation. Philip
Cunliffe looked at what it means for Darfur to have been colonised by
‘peacekeepers’. Or read more at spiked issue Africa.
(1) Britain prepares £1bn-a-year package to aid Zimbabwe, Guardian, 3
April 2008
(2) The Battle over Zimbabwe’s Future, Global Research, 13 April 2007
(3) Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai returns to Zimbabwe, says he
feels safe, International Herald Tribune, 24 May 2008
(4) See Zimbabwe and the new Cowardly Colonialism, by Brendan O’Neill
(5) From Terror to Hunger, Washington Post, 5 June 2008
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