[R-G] NATO and the New Step Toward "Greater Albania"
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Sat Feb 23 01:51:11 MST 2008
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A Socialist Project e-bulletin .... No. 81 .... February 23, 2008
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Operation Independence Kosovo:
NATO and the New Step Toward "Greater Albania"
Sungur Savran
The celebrations by the Albanian people of Kosovo upon the
declaration of an "independent and sovereign" state were aired on
television extensively. Two flags were waved during these
celebrations. One was the familiar U.S. flag. And the second one?
This flag with a double-headed black eagle on a red background, which
country might that belong to? Better not to be too rash and say that
it is the flag of the newly "independent" state of Kosovo, for that
would be misunderstanding the true nature of what has happened. In
the newly "independent" state of Kosovo, the people celebrating on
the streets were waving the flag of another country. This was the
flag of Albania!
The declaration of the "independence" of Kosovo is, first and
foremost, a vast step forward for one of the pet projects of the U.S.
in the Balkans, the creation of a "Greater Albania." This fact is so
tangible, so concrete that when Martti Ahtisaari, the Special Envoy
of the United Nations (UN), in a report he submitted in spring 2007
after two years of negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia had reached
a deadlock, recommended the "independence" of Kosovo, he had to
qualify this by a special formula, "supervised independence." And
against what would the "independence" of Kosovo be "supervised"? Why,
the first precondition that Ahtisaari had to propose was to rule out
unification with Albania! The mere imposition of this qualification
demonstrates, beyond a shadow of doubt, that the real aspiration of
the Albanians of Kosovo (and of the U.S.) is the creation of a
"Greater Albania" through unification with the present state of
Albania. Hence, the "independence" of Kosovo is sham independence.
And who is supposed to "supervise" the "independence" of Kosovo? The
answer to this question gives us the second dimension of Kosovo's
"independence." It is a well-known fact that, after the seventy four-
day air strikes inflicted on the former Yugoslavia by NATO, Kosovo
was delivered to the civilian rule of UNMIK (the UN Kosovo Mission)
and the military control of KFOR (the Kosovo Peace Force). According
to the terms of the resolution adopted by the UN after the
termination of the Kosovo War, Kosovo was to remain Serbian
territory, but was also to be converted into a "UN protectorate."
This was a legal formula that was permeated with contradiction, since
the status of "protectorate" is an entirely colonial status and to
declare a territory that is under the sovereignty of an independent
state (the former Yugoslavia and today's successor state of Serbia) a
colonial belonging defies logic.
The "independence" granted today to Kosovo removes this
contradiction, making it thereby a straightforward colony, one under
multilateral rule. The initiative regarding the declaration of
"independence" does not belong to Hashim Thaci, the leader of the so-
called Kosovo Liberation Army become prime minister in January this
year, but Ahtisaari on behalf of the UN. It is a travesty to pretend
that Thaci is a "hero." Imperialism has offered "independence" to the
KLA on a golden platter. Today Kosovo is controlled by 17 thousand
NATO troops. It is being delivered to the rule of the EU, which will
be sending an additional force of 1800 to police the territory.
"Independence" on the force of arms of others is sham independence!
The real historic significance of this sham independence resides in
this, that the U.S. and the EU have, through the Kosovo War, forcibly
wrested a part of Serbia away from the country! (It would not be
futile to remind EU fanatics that, in contrast to the Iraq War of
2003 for instance, all the big EU countries were comrades in arms
with the USA, and even led, the Kosovo war.) The 1999 war was fought
on the declared grounds of stopping the cruel treatment and ethnic
cleansing the Albanians of Kosovo were suffering at the hands of
Milosevic. But the final outcome nine years later demonstrates that
the real aim was to carry to its conclusion the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia. "Operation independence Kosovo" is but the belated
consummation of the forcible destruction of Yugoslavia in the years
1991 to 1999.
A clear understanding regarding the aims of this imperialistic policy
is of paramount importance. To start with, the Balkans are the South-
western tip of Eurasia, an immense region that has come up for grabs
as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the other
degenerated workers' states in Europe between 1989 and 1992. It was
imperative for imperialism to prevent the survival of a state
(Federal Yugoslavia) that had the capacity of obstructing imperialist
plans in the Balkans. The dismemberment of Yugoslavia was the most
violent form that capitalist restoration took in this historical
period. Secondly, for the smooth implementation of EU plans to annex
central and Eastern Europe, it was necessary to carve Federal
Yugoslavia into mini-states and subsequently to destroy the
historically strong identity of the Balkans through the imposition of
the concept of "Southeast Europe." The so-called "Southeast Europe
Stability Pact" (of which Turkey is such an ardent protagonist) is a
product of this operation. Third, the Albanians were promoted as a
special ally of the USA. Albania has today become the stronghold of
reaction and pro-imperialist policies, as well as the Balkan centre
of trafficking in drugs and prostitution. The project of "Greater
Albania" is a U.S. initiative, developed as a counterweight to the
preponderance of the Southern Slavs in the Balkans. Today Albania and
Kosovo seem to embody the two heads of the eagle on the Albanian
flag. Tomorrow, the eagle may become triple-headed, with the
Albanians of Macedonia joining the band wagon. The "independence" of
Kosovo should be situated in this overall picture.
The Albanians of Kosovo seem to be overwhelmingly in favour of
secession from Serbia. Would it not be appropriate under these
circumstances, it might be asked, for internationalists to support
this "independence" on the basis of the right of nations to self-
determination? The specific evolution of Kosovo history and the
existence of a project to establish a "Greater Albania" complicate
matters. Before it came under Ottoman domination in the wake of the
notorious Kosovo War of 1399, Kosovo used to be the historic centre
of Serbia. It was only towards the end of the 19th century that
Albanians became the majority in this territory as a result of the
ethnic cleansing of the Serbs under Ottoman colonial policy and the
support extended by the Empire to Islamised Albanians as against the
Serbs. Add to this the fact that Albanians already wield a state that
neighbours the Serbian state. Under these circumstances the national
question in Kosovo overlaps with that of the quest of one state to
expand its territory (and population) at the expense of another.
Beyond the plain and simple principle of the right of nations to self-
determination, we see here a struggle for power between two sovereign
states. But all these arguments pale beside the fact that the status
accorded to Kosovo today has nothing to do with "independence." A new
colony is born. How long the status of protectorate will last is
totally unforeseeable, given the policy of imperialism in the Balkans.
That Turkey should have recognised the "independence" of Kosovo
immediately, on the same day as the U.S. and the larger states of the
EU, and this despite its own Kurdish question and its fears regarding
the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq, has certainly nothing to
do with respect for the rights of oppressed nations. The ruling
classes of Turkey have made it a principle to serve the policies of
imperialism, and of U.S. imperialism in particular, in the region of
Eurasia, as long as these do not come into direct conflict with its
own interests as in the case of the Kurdish question. The Eurasia
policy of Turkey, pursued since Özal established it in 1991, has
taken the form of military support to all kinds of imperialist
endeavours (Somali, Afghanistan, Lebanon etc.)
During the Kosovo War, Turkish bombers poured death over the Serbian
people arm in arm with the air forces of imperialist powers, three
military air strips were allocated to imperialist fighter jets (but
were not ultimately used because the war ended earlier than
predicted), and the supposedly nationalist prime minister Ecevit
declared, in the early stages of the war, that Turkey was prepared
for land combat. The recognition of the "independence" of Kosovo
implies that Turkey continues to play the game of imperialism and is
directly connected to the agreement of 5 November 2007 between Bush
and Erdogan related to the bombing of Kurdish (PKK) targets in
Northern Iraq. Given the oppression of the Serbs by the Turks and the
role they played under the Ottoman Empire in the forcible
Islamisation of Kosovo, this policy becomes all the more shameless.
Sungur Savran is editor of the newspaper Isci Mucadelesi (Workers'
Struggle) in Istanbul, Turkey (www.iscimucadelesi.net).
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( T h e B u l l e t))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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