[R-G] Saul Landau and Nelson Valdes on Cuba's Reforms

Yoshie Furuhashi critical.montages at gmail.com
Fri Aug 8 04:21:16 MDT 2008


<http://progreso-weekly.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=572&Itemid=1>
Aug 7 - 13, 2008
Cuba's Reforms 	
By Saul Landau and Nelson Valdes
Read Spanish Version

Cuban leaders have begun a reform process -- combining certain
ministries, opening up more farming possibilities and decentralizing
certain functions. They have not given clear signals as to what model
will emerge. The government appears determined to following the
familiar path of pragmatic and cautious approaches to problems that
have arisen over five decades, especially those aggravated because of
the 1991 Soviet collapse. As the October 2009 Communist Party Congress
grows nearer, the results of discussions throughout the country, the
Party may add new wrinkles in Cuba's half century quest to build a
just system. Do not expect Cuba to abandon meaningful socialism.

Beginning with their 1959 revolutionary triumph, Cuban leaders have
weaved a unique approach to social change. Western media has ignored
that Cuba's government has operated through consensus. Indeed, western
reporters refer to Castro's dictatorship as if such a concept was
axiomatic.

Rather, under Fidel -- a master of consensus politics -- a collective
leadership had to remove the old order and replace it with a just
society, a Herculean task that one man could not do alone! To make
their own system, Cubans faced the wrath of their former elites and
the fury of a northern neighbor. Fifty years later, U.S. officials
still froth at the mouth at Cuba's audacious disobedience, Raul Castro
and partners, including significant numbers of younger people, address
a new formidable adventure: building sensible socialism on one island.

Raul acknowledged this on July 26, as he commemorated past successes
and referred to needs for more reforms. Perpetual U.S. aggression
placed Cuba into a national security mentality, but Cuban leaders can
blame U.S. hostility for only some of their problems. Moncada, Sierra
and Underground veterans can indeed boast of accomplishing their
historic goals.

In 1959, after waging numerous wars and uprisings since the 1860s,
Cubans won independence. Cuba then defended its revolution against
U.S. belligerence while simultaneously establishing an egalitarian
system based on rights -- to eat, have housing, medical care,
education, etc… As gravy over their meat of success, Cubans danced --
and still do -- on the world stage: liberators of parts of Africa,
slayers of the Monroe Doctrine, purveyors of emergency medical teams
providing vital services to Pakistanis, Hondurans and others who
suffered from natural disasters. Cuban eye specialists have saved the
vision of countless third world people. Cuban artists, athletes and
scientists have etched their names on the honor roles of talent
throughout the world. And Fidel ranks as one of the 20th Century's
great leaders. When he would enter international public spaces, even
some of his ideological opponents applauded -- because of the respect
he gained by courageously challenging U.S. dictates.

The U.S. media does not report on Cuba. It provides silly coverage of
peripheral issues such as posing the Cuba issue as Fidel v. Raul. The
story typifies rumor-based U.S. journalism on Cuba. Ironically, the
"superior" U.S. press dismisses Cuban media as non-objective.

In a July 31, 2008, New York Times story, reporter Marc Lacey assumed
the posture of cosmic knowledge. Lacy sneers at Fidel for having "left
the country in economic disarray." Funny, when did the NY Times refer
to U.S. economic disarray as millions suffer pains of unemployment, or
devastating sub-prime mortgage madness; 50 million Americans lack
access to health care or safety nets! Nor does one find references to
"disarray" in rare stories about Honduras, sub Saharan Africa and
other third world nations where majorities lack food, education and
health care.

Instead of expressing amazement over Cuba's role in shaping history,
and affording millions of its citizens a chance to participate in
events, despite their daily hardships, Lacey focuses on "the odd
dynamic" between Raul and Fidel. Ahem! The two brothers have been
partners in key decisions since they attacked Moncada in July 1953.
Moreover, in 2005, Fidel reminded the Party to change all that needed
change.

The Party has not changed enough, however, to satisfy disaffected
Cubans, those unimpressed by past accomplishments. "What do past
glories have with to do with the uncertainty of daily life?" they ask.
Possessing quality education, high skill levels and good health, they
feel they deserve good jobs. Indeed, their entire school experience
from day care through doctorates has taught them self esteem and
stimulated them to expect the best. But quality jobs are scarce on the
island -- and in most third world countries. Several Cubans in their
20s and 30s offered glazed looks to references of the revolution's
accomplishments and replied: "I don't see much future for myself
here." Yes, a qualified Engineer can feel frustrated making pizzas
eight hours a day. Frustration can also lead some to become oblivious
to the outside conditions that affect their lives. Cuba exists within
the larger globalized corporate economy, possesses limited resources,
and remains victim of a seemingly eternal U.S. super embargo.

So thousands leave. The U.S. government, bound by Treaty to authorize
20,000 residence visas annually, delivers many fewer. Yet, neither the
Clinton nor Bush Administration tried to get it repealed. Thus
smugglers -- not from the island -- drool over their profits (about
$15,000 per person) and some Cubans die at sea. These human
traffickers took some 6,000 persons to Mexico between October 2007 and
April 2008. Three thousand more landed in South Florida between last
October 2007 and July 2008. The Coast Guard intercepted 1,700 others
before they reached the U.S. Such migration occurs because of the 1966
Cuban Adjustment Act, allowing Cubans -- and no one else -- to enter
the United States. This law undercuts the formal visa process, in
which consular officials vet the applicants.

After Washington imposed an embargo in 1962, Cuba issued libretas,
ration books in an attempt to assure equality of distribution and a
safety net, similar to British policy during World War II. During the
"Special Period," the State lacked sufficient goods to meet its
obligations and the U.S. tightened the embargo to further squeeze
Cuba's economy. People began hustling to obtain food. To do so, they
broke the law by buying and selling illegally and stealing from the
state. Such a situation logically dampened morale.

Cuba's problems go beyond sagging commitment. This year, the
government announced a dramatic shortage of teachers -- 8,000
officially partly due to insufficient salary incentives. Fidel,
writing from his convalescence, appealed to Cubans to understand such
news in a proper context. "We don't become discouraged by the news of
enemies, who twist the meaning of our words and present our
self-criticism as tragedies," he wrote in Granma, Cuba's official
newspaper. Compare Cuba's education to systems in the United States
"and other rich countries," he urged readers. "They have, yes, many
more automobiles, use more gasoline, consume many more drugs, buy more
costume jewelry and benefit from the looting of our people, as they
have for centuries."

Teacher shortages paled in comparison, however, to the performance of
Cuban agriculture. Last year the government had to import more than
70% of the food offered through the libreta. Cuba now "exports" highly
educated graduates, a judicious means to offer educational and
technical assistance to needy countries and at times generate income
as well.

Over the past two years, Cuba has begun to restructure its energy
sector, refurbishing its electrical grid and introducing energy saving
programs from light bulb replacement to obtain efficiency to producing
solar energy and increasing public awareness on the issue. Imaginative
urban agriculture and organic farming experiments have spread in an
attempt to become more self sufficient. Changes in land usage also
respond to discouraging levels of food production. The shift includes
offering existing and perspective farmers clear material incentives,
while eliminating cumbersome bureaucratic procedures.

Labor productivity, which should rank high given Cuba's levels of
education and skill, had sunk to disappointing levels. Inside the
Cuban labor movement, healthy dialogue has begun to bring unions more
into coincidence with current grievances. This process began earlier
when Fidel, in 1987, referred to the prevailing "chapuceria" in the
work place, sloppy and unfinished work, which sapped economic and
moral strength.

Fidel taught Cubans to understand their entitlements, which meant they
had the right to expect the state to meet these rights. Younger
generations, however, don't seem to recognize the State's severe
material limitations, nor are they impressed by Cuba's egalitarian
distribution of its less than sufficient wealth. They complain because
the government doesn't meet their childhood expectations. Cuban
television rebroadcasts shows like Desperate Housewives, so Cubans see
Americans with plasma TVs; not daily scenes of road rage and Americans
going postal. TV and visiting Americans throw extravagant consumerism
in the face of some Cubans,

Raul has talked about educating people to Cuba's real possibilities
and about decentralizing to increase efficiency and accountability.
Raul -- meaning the majority inside the Party apparatus -- also called
for diverse opinions inside the Party to address what many perceived
as a paucity of dialogue. Communist Party leaders understand the need
to build a sensible socialism.

The United States remains a constant security threat, which places
limits on their imaginations. Indeed, Bush's aggressive, impulsive
shadow will loom until January 2009. Cuban leaders will move slowly,
prudently and with grass roots participation. They don't want to
provide any excuse for a Bush "surprise."

Saul Landau is an Institute for Policy Studies fellow. Nelson Valdes
is Professor Emeritus at the University of New Mexico.



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