[R-G] Driven to despair on the Highway of Death

[Anthony Fenton]

Driven to despair on the Highway of Death
Craig Kielburger, Marc Kielburger, Chris Mallinos. The Ottawa Citizen.  
Ottawa, Ont.: Apr 6, 2008. pg. A.8
Copyright Southam Publications Inc. Apr 6, 2008

Craig and Marc Kielburger are Nobel Peace Prize-nominated rights  
activists and bestselling authors. They have travelled to more than 50  
countries to interview the victims of injustice and exploitation. They  
are the founders of a charity,

Free The Children, which has built more than 500 schools in developing  
countries.

Chris Mallinos is a Toronto-based journalist.

On a series of trips to Kuwait, they encountered a stream of South  
Asian men driving tractor-trailers bound for Iraq. The authors  
interviewed dozens of drivers, tracked official documents and found  
contracts and work orders that show these men were duped into becoming  
participants in the U.S.-led war in Iraq.

Lured to Kuwait with the promise of work, truck drivers from  
developing countries say they have been trapped by companies that  
seized their passports and forced them to join deadly convoys into  
Iraq to supply U.S. troops.

They work for subcontractors hired by KBR, a U.S. corporation that  
earns billions stocking American bases.

The drivers deliver goods on behalf of the U.S., but a hands-off setup  
means they're out of reach of American protection.

'Our company says to go fast,' says one driver of the convoys into the  
war zone. 'They say if we go slow we will die'

The slightest distraction can be deadly for drivers on the bomb- 
scarred highways of Iraq. The roads teem with insurgents, waiting with  
sniper rifles and mortar bombs for the U.S. army convoys that snake  
through the country each day from neighbouring Kuwait.

But distraction comes easily to the thousands of South Asians hired to  
steer these convoys. Hard as they try, drivers can't help but think of  
family.

Joel, 36, left home in the Philippines in 2004 to chase the dream job  
he thought would pay for his daughters' education. He was hired to  
drive trucks in the safety of Kuwait by a Filipino employment  
recruiter who promised him a decent salary and benefits.

When he arrived, Jassim Transport and Stevedoring Company confiscated  
his passport and nullified his contract, Joel says. The Kuwait-based  
company presented him with a new contract in Arabic -- a language he  
does not understand -- and an ultimatum: drive into Iraq with the U.S.  
army or lose your job.

It wasn't much of a choice, given he was alone in a strange country  
and in debt to Jassim Transport for the one-way flight to Kuwait. In  
any case, they had his passport.

Joel was trapped.

Back home, his wife and daughters were desperate for food, clothes and  
schooling. "My family is expecting me to send money," Joel, who asked  
us not to use his last name for fear he'd be fired, explained to us  
during a meeting at a Kuwait City hotel. "If I don't work here, all  
their dreams will not come true."

On a series of trips to Kuwait to study the humanitarian situation in  
Iraq, we talked to dozens of drivers who said they were duped by  
recruiters who lured them to Kuwait with the promise of good jobs and  
security.

Within weeks of their arrival, they were shipped to Iraq to join the  
100,000-strong civilian workforce that accompanies U.S. soldiers in  
the country. Each driver we interviewed said he'd crossed the border  
on dozens of trips, some that lasted for months.

We asked Jassim Transport repeatedly about specific allegations. They  
ignored our questions except to deny that they were keeping passports.

Joel's company is one of hundreds hired by construction firm KBR to  
support the U.S. army in Iraq. Since 2001, the multibillion-dollar,  
Houston-based company has supplied U.S. troops with food, laundry and  
a host of items under an exclusive contract with the U.S. Defence  
Department called LOGCAP 3. The deal has earned KBR more than $20  
billion, according to the army.

Public money fuels the enormous contract, which relies on cheap and  
exploited labour. Local firms, hired and paid by KBR, openly flout  
U.S. human trafficking and labour laws by shipping thousands of  
workers to the region, withholding their passports and violating their  
rights. Unknowingly, it's U.S. taxpayers who are financing the  
operation.

When we contacted KBR's head office with our findings, it denied the  
mistreatment of drivers. Heather Browne, director of corporate  
communications, said in a brief written statement that KBR has been a  
"leader" in implementing anti-trafficking procedures required by the  
Defence Department. "KBR in no way condones or tolerates unethical  
behaviour," the statement said. "All KBR employees are expected to  
adhere to the company's Code of Business Conduct guidelines. When  
violations occur, immediate and appropriate disciplinary action is  
taken."

Browne would not comment when asked if subcontractors are considered  
"KBR employees." Nor would she address specific allegations against  
the company.

Despite this, the company continues to earn public money because of  
its pivotal role in the Iraq war -- a war U.S. President George W.  
Bush offers as proof of the U.S.'s "deep concern for human rights,"  
but one that systematically exploits South Asian workers.

The war's heavy reliance on private contractors has raised serious  
questions about accountability and even cronyism. Until April 2007,  
KBR was a subsidiary of Halliburton, the corporation run by U.S. Vice- 
President Dick

Cheney from 1995 to 2000.

"The consequences of using these firms, and the way that they have  
been poorly overseen, has had a negative impact on the (Iraq)  
operation itself," said Peter Singer, a senior fellow at the  
Washington-based Brookings Institution.

"It's troubling for everything from democracy to the legal process."

With a cargo of vital troop supplies, the drivers are targets in an  
increasingly bloody war zone. The Jassim Transport representative we  
spoke with estimated that snipers or bombers attack 70 per cent of the  
company's convoys. Drivers say they are in danger the minute they  
cross into Iraq.

"Almost every time there is a convoy, there is a bomb," said Antonio  
Cordan, a Filipino father of four whom we met at a rest stop a few  
kilometres from the Iraqi border. "I always have to look for snipers."

It's difficult to know how many civilian contractors have been killed  
during the war because their presence in Iraq is not always recorded.  
The U.S. Department of Labour estimates it's more than 1,000. In event  
of injury or death, none of the drivers we interviewed would receive  
insurance, although it was promised by recruiters. If the worst should  
happen, their families will be destitute.

According to department statistics, in the first four months of 2007,  
nine civilian contractors died every week. For each American  
contractor killed, four non-Americans also died.

While in Kuwait, we met Tenison Perera, a Sri Lankan driver who  
invited us into his truck near the Iraq border. He showed us a work  
order from a KBR subcontractor that indicated he was on his way to  
Baghdad with construction materials for the U.S. Embassy being built  
there.

Cruising across the vast open desert on the Highway of Death, as it  
was known during the first Iraq war, Perera complained about  
discrimination. While most Americans hired directly by KBR drive steel- 
reinforced trucks with bulletproof glass, Perera explained that most  
of his fellow subcontracted drivers are in run-of-the-mill 18-wheelers.

When drivers cross into Iraq, they are met by U.S. military convoys,  
some 40 trucks long. Then, without stopping, they're expected to drive  
more than 100 km/h to their destination. It's a six-hour drive to  
Baghdad alone.

When a U.S. convoy is not available, they are met by the Iraqi army,  
which usually only adds to the peril. Drivers say Iraqi soldiers often  
flee when insurgents attack. One trucker showed us his Bible, the only  
thing he feels he can rely on when in Iraq. "It keeps me safe."

Drivers told us that without proper training or protection they are in  
constant danger. "Many times snipers have fired at me, but thank God  
I've had no problems," Perera said. "Our company says to go fast. They  
say if we go slow we will die."

Some of KBR's American drivers have come up with a nickname for their  
employer: Kill 'em, Bag 'em and Replace 'em.

When a South Asian driver is killed in Iraq, grieving families receive  
no compensation. Co-workers often pool what little money they have to  
send along with condolences.

The inside of Perera's truck is scattered with his meagre possessions  
-- toothpaste, shampoo, a portable stove with the previous night's  
leftovers, a small mattress tucked behind his seat. Once across the  
border, he is not allowed to leave his truck. Even inside the  
sprawling U.S. bases, most non-American drivers are expected to eat  
and sleep in their closet-sized truck cabins. The vehicles are lined  
up well away from the base, vulnerable to insurgents.

"Everything is good for American drivers," Perera said by comparison.  
"They give them good salaries and good accommodation."

The South Asian drivers live on the outskirts of Kuwait City in  
overcrowded and dilapidated concrete camps. The company-owned  
compounds sit behind high walls, a Kuwaiti guard posted at the gate.

KBR's American drivers are paid upward of $100,000 U.S. a year to risk  
their lives in Iraq. Foreign drivers say they are paid on a sliding  
scale determined by their origin. Filipino drivers earn as little as  
$4,500 a year -- most of which is sent home to family. Indian and Sri  
Lankan drivers make less, usually around $3,000.

"If (American drivers) can drive a big truck, we can also. If they can  
drive 15 hours, we can also. What is the difference?" Joel asks in  
frustration. "The difference is that they are white and we are Asians."

The only time companies like Jassim return passports is when drivers  
cross into Iraq. Even then, the documents are of little use. Since  
2004, the Philippines has banned its citizens from entering Iraq --  
their passports are stamped "Not Valid For Travel to Iraq" -- after a  
driver from that country was held hostage by insurgents. KBR and U.S.  
military officials ignore the order routinely as they usher Filipinos  
by the thousands into the country to drive with U.S. army convoys.

Pentagon spokesman Chris Isleib told us all contractors and  
subcontractors working under the Defence Department are expected to  
comply with international laws regarding country entry and exit  
procedures. The department conducts "random checks," he said, but does  
not involve itself in how contracted employees are managed. That's  
left to companies such as KBR.

"The Department of Defence does not tolerate trafficking in persons by  
any contractor or subcontractor supporting a Department of Defence  
contract in Iraq," Isleib said. "It should be remembered that Iraq is  
a very dangerous place, a war zone. Our efforts of enforcement are not  
100-per-cent perfect there -- but they are good."

Despite the harsh conditions, drivers are afraid to speak up. Without  
passports, they have little choice but to do what they are told. Not  
one of the drivers with whom we spoke knew his rights as a foreign  
worker. Each said he fears complaining will land him in jail and  
jeopardize his family.

For Jassim Transport -- one of about 200 subcontractors hired by KBR  
-- violating the rights of drivers is the cost of doing business.

We met with Jassim's business development executive Syed Shaheen Naqvi  
to discuss the transport industry in Kuwait. We explained we were with  
an aid group assessing potential development projects.

In a secretly recorded interview, we asked Naqvi about companies that  
keep their drivers' passports. He explained that although illegal, the  
practice is common in Kuwait.

"If you subcontract with us, your work will be done. How we do it is  
our headache," he said, leaning back on his chair to haul on his  
cigarette. "I'll do whatever I have to do."

Jassim is one of Kuwait's largest transport companies, specializing in  
heavy-load haulage. Founded in 1979, its headquarters is in Kuwait  
City's major port, a hub of activity for KBR's LOGCAP 3 contract.

Naqvi said Jassim has had multiple contracts with KBR and has as many  
as 600 trucks driving through Iraq every day. Seven of every 10  
convoys are attacked by insurgents, he said.

Despite the dangers, Naqvi said drivers are given "normal" trucks with  
no special protection. What happens if a convoy is attacked? "I don't  
know," he responded with a hesitant laugh. "The drivers are lucky."

When we contacted Naqvi again to explain that our interview with him  
would be published, we raised repeatedly the specific allegations. He  
had no further comment but to deny that Jassim withholds passports.

KBR orchestrates its contracts with local firms from an office on an  
alley near the departure gate of Kuwait City's international airport.  
Two plainclothes guards protect the unmarked office.

KBR says that 35,000 of its 48,000 workers in Iraq are non-American.  
Like the Pentagon, the company keeps itself at arm's length from its  
Middle Eastern firms, separated by an elaborate series of  
subcontracting agreements. It carefully avoids involving itself with  
subcontractors so as to avoid responsibility for wrongdoing. As a  
result, workers are at the whim of foreign companies and substandard  
labour practices.

It's a practice that's increasingly common, says Peter Singer of the  
Brookings Institution, who authored the book Corporate Warriors: The  
Rise of the Privatized Military Industry. "Outsourcing is about the  
shifting of responsibility," he explained. "It's about who does the  
job, but also the cost -- the political cost and legal cost. I think  
it's a very serious threat to how we conceive of our foreign policy."

When one of us arrived at KBR's airport office, a group of employees  
readily acknowledged what Kuwaiti companies have been up to. "They're  
bad for trafficking people," explained a broad-shouldered American  
former truck driver identified as Jack. "With all the Kuwaitis, the  
end justifies the means. Once you hire a Kuwaiti company, what they do  
is really none of your concern."

Jack said he was well aware of companies that confiscate drivers'  
passports. "When I keep your passport, I pretty much own you because  
you can't go anywhere."

In the past, KBR and other military contractors in Iraq have found  
themselves in hot water over the conduct of their subcontractors. In  
April 2006, the top U.S. commander in the country at the time, Gen.  
George Casey, ordered all contractors in Iraq to stop withholding  
employee passports, which he acknowledged was a violation of U.S.  
laws. The order was to be completed by May 1, 2006. KBR employees were  
even instructed to undergo "Trafficking in Persons Awareness Training."

But Joel, Perera and their fellow drivers still have no control over  
their passports. One driver showed us an official work order proving  
he'd been hired by KBR, through Jassim, on Oct. 21, 2006 -- six months  
after Gen. Casey's order. That driver was not allowed to keep his  
passport.

In recent years, the company has been under investigation for a long  
list of allegations from overcharging the U.S. military in the Balkans  
to bribing officials in Nigeria. In late 2006, the company agreed to  
pay $8 million to settle charges it double-billed the army for work in  
Kosovo between 1999 and 2000. But KBR did not admit wrongdoing in the  
case. Similar allegations have since arisen about the company's  
dealings in Iraq, with the Pentagon raising questions about more than  
$1 billion in "questioned" and "unsupported" charges to the army under  
LOGCAP 3.

The company continues to be awarded contracts paid for with public  
money. In June 2007, the U.S. army named the recipient of its LOGCAP 4  
contract, which will provide logistical support to troops in Iraq. KBR  
was one of three companies selected in a deal that could be worth $150  
billion over 10 years. Complaints about the evaluation of the bids  
prompted a review by the U.S. Government Accountability Office. In  
January, the army announced it would reopen LOGCAP 4 negotiations.

Whatever the outcome, U.S. taxpayers should be "extremely concerned"  
about the relationship between KBR and the Defence Department, says a  
senior researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Government funds should be  
vetted and only contracted to firms that uphold human rights  
standards," said Nisha Varia. "There is a responsibility with the U.S.  
government to ensure companies maintain certain standards. And if not,  
they should be punished."

Joel has no idea what the future holds. He hopes to return to the  
Philippines when he can afford the $350 plane ticket. He is still in  
debt to his company for his inbound flight to Kuwait.

Joel earns so little that, at the time we met, he'd been suffering  
from a broken tooth for weeks, unable to sleep because of the pain. It  
would cost $18 to remove the tooth.

Joel would like to move his family to Canada eventually. "When my  
daughters go to college, I hope I will be with a company that provides  
everything for me."

Until then, Joel will continue to drive in Iraq. Not willing to risk  
scaring his daughters, he has yet to tell them the truth about his work.

He keeps a picture of his wife and daughters in his wallet. The dog- 
eared, three-by-five portrait serves to remind him why he is here. He  
looks at it often.

"As a father, I want to give a good life to my family," he says.  
"Sometimes in Iraq you get lonely, miss your family and get afraid  
about what might happen to you."

SURVIVING THE WAR ZONE

They are truckers on the deadly highways of Iraq. On routine  
deliveries, their convoys are subject to bombs and snipers. Still,  
it's a living.

The South Asian drivers who signed on to work in Kuwait say they were  
promised medical and dental coverage, plus insurance in case of the  
worst. But they have a nagging fear the coverage does not really exist.

For starters, they've seen injured colleagues denied insurance.

One driver, a 33-year-old Filipino father of six, was injured  
seriously two years ago when a mortar attack ripped through a U.S.  
base in Iraq where he was making a delivery.

"My hair was burning, my mouth, my ears," he told us through a  
translator.

He was airlifted to a Baghdad hospital, put on a respirator and given  
heavy doses of morphine, spending a week in a coma. When he came out  
of it, he was told he'd need surgery to repair charred skin on his  
arms. He assumed this would be covered by insurance and all would be  
well.

"They told me, 'No problem, you have insurance.'"

He has not received insurance, nor has he had surgery.

His arms are swollen, the pain is excruciating and constant.

His index finger barely works.

What's more, the driver is still in debt to his company for his  
inbound flight to Kuwait. So he is stuck.

Despite the injuries, he continues to drive for the same Kuwaiti  
company. He fears he will be arrested if he refuses.

He asked to keep his name and the name of his company out of this  
article -- to protect his safety.

Credit: Citizen Special
[Illustration]
Colour Photo: 'My family is expecting me to send money. If I don't  
work here, all their dreams will not come true.' -- Joel, a Filipino  
driver whose identity is hidden at his request, on the side of the  
highway that leads to the Iraq border ; Colour Photo: Trucks line up  
at the border. Once inside Iraq, many of the vehicles form long  
convoys that speed through the country to service the U.S.-led war  
effort. 'Almost every time there is a convoy, there is a bomb,' says  
one driver. 'I always have to look for sniper.' ; Colour Photo: This  
is Joel's old passport. His company has his current passport. The blue  
stamps are Kuwaiti and show his regular entries and exits. ; Colour  
Photo: (See hard copy for photo description) ;; Caption: