[R-G] Underbelly of Egypt’s Neoliberal Agenda

[Yoshie Furuhashi]

<http://www.merip.org/mero/mero040508.html>
Underbelly of Egypt's Neoliberal Agenda

Joel Beinin

April 5, 2008

(Joel Beinin is director of Middle East studies at the American
University in Cairo and a contributing editor of Middle East Report.)

It was business as usual for Orascom, a gigantic Egyptian conglomerate
with major interests in everything from Cairene highway construction
to Red Sea luxury resorts to cell phones in Iraq.

On February 26 Orascom Construction Industries, one of the Orascom
family of enterprises, proudly announced that it had acquired the
International Company for Manufacturing Boilers and Steel Fabrication
(IBSF) for $13.6 million. The corporate press release trumpeted the
doubling of Orascom's steel capacity, but mentioned nothing about the
fate of the firm's workers or its recent history. Those stories, as
told by a group of skilled IBSF workers -- a lathe operator, a
machinery fitter, a welder and a storeroom supervisor, each with at
least 20 years' experience in the factory -- are the underbelly of the
advancing neoliberal agenda in Egypt. Fearing reprisals from the firm,
they asked that their names not be used and spoke in the name of their
trade union committee and its president, Husayn Abu Dahab.

A Study in Immiseration and Struggle

IBSF was established in 1962 as the Nasser Boiler and Pressure Vessels
Company, a public-sector enterprise built on land acquired by the
state during the regime of President Gamal Abdel Nasser. The firm was
one of the many heavy industrial projects of the 1950s and 1960s. It
designed and manufactured boilers, pressure vessels, condensers and
heat exchangers, key components of electrical and nuclear power plants
and many industrial processes. Nasser Boiler and Pressure Vessels was
(and the workers say it remains) the only firm of its kind in the Arab
world. It eventually employed over 1,800 workers, many of them highly
skilled.

In 1994, following a 1991 agreement with the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank, Nasser Boiler and Pressure Vessels was
privatized and sold to Babcock and Wilcox. In 2001 Muhammad Shatta, an
Egyptian investor, acquired the firm and changed its name to IBSF.
Shatta abandoned operations related to electrical and nuclear power
plants and pressured workers to take early retirement with a payoff of
7,500 to 15,000 Egyptian pounds. The great majority refused this offer
as insufficient. In retaliation, some were transferred to a livestock
ranch and others to a factory owned by Shatta's group in Sixth of
October City, one of the "satellite cities" in the desert surrounding
Cairo.

When Orascom acquired IBSF, its labor force, reduced by attrition to
750 or 800, worked nine-hour days for an average salary of 600-700
Egyptian pounds a month. (At current exchange rates, $1 equals 5.5
Egyptian pounds.) Between 230 and 330 workers are on permanent
contracts and receive a standard package of fringe benefits. The
others are evenly divided between those with yearly contracts, who
receive benefits, and those with daily contracts who earn 30 to 60
pounds a day but receive no benefits. After the firm was privatized it
did away with the four traditional holiday bonuses and reduced the
number of annual vacation days. The workers say the firm is being
managed without reference to any existing labor legislation.

Orascom plans to dismantle the existing factory and transfer its
machinery to three of its existing industrial zones in Sixth of
October City, Abu Rawwash, near the Pyramids, and 'Ayn Sukhna on the
Red Sea coast. An amusement park will be built on the current site of
the factory. The law requires Orascom to offer the workers free
transportation to these new premises, but it has not done so.
Moreover, since they are located far from the existing facility in
Manyal Shiha on the banks of the Nile River across from the southern
Cairo suburb of Ma'adi, few workers could sustain the commute of one
to two-and-a-half hours each way.

Consequently, the trade union committee demanded severance pay of
100,000 Egyptian pounds in exchange for the workers taking early
retirement and abandoning their claims on the firm. Orascom refused
and began to relocate IBSF's machinery to its other facilities. On a
few occasions the workers have prevented the transfer of machinery.
They have continued to work, and although they are reluctant to
threaten a strike, they say they will die in the factory rather than
see it close. The workers fear that Orascom will abandon production of
the firm's product lines, which they now manufacture with a high level
of skill. As one of them said, "The most important thing is for this
production to be continued for the sake of Egypt and its future. I
want my son to be able to have a job here."

Activated Working Class

The struggle of the IBSF workers is only one of hundreds in the wave
of working-class collective action set off when the government of
Prime Minister Ahmad Nazif, which took office in July 2004, began to
accelerate the drive to privatize public-sector industrial and
financial enterprises. According to the 2004 annual report of the Land
Center for Human Rights, from 1998 to 2004 there were over 1,000
workers' collective actions. More than one quarter occurred in 2004
alone, a 200 percent increase over 2003. There were 74 actions in the
first half of 2004, but 191 following the installation of the Nazif
government. Some 25 percent of the collective actions in 2004 were in
the private sector, a larger proportion than ever before, reflecting
the growth of private-sector industry.

And the number of actions has continued to grow. The liberal daily
al-Misri al-Yawm reported a total of 222 strikes, demonstrations and
protests in 2006 and 580 in 2007. Workers and Trade Union Watch, a
labor-friendly website, enumerated 27 collective actions in the first
week of January 2008 alone. Estimates of the number of workers
involved in this movement range from 300,000 to 500,000. During 2007
strikes spread from their center of gravity in the textile and
clothing industry to encompass building materials workers, transport
workers, the Cairo subway workers, food processing workers, bakers,
sanitation workers, oil workers in Suez and many others.
Private-sector industrial workers comprised a more prominent component
of the movement than ever before.

In the summer of 2007 the movement broadened to encompass white-collar
employees, civil servants and professionals. The single largest
collective action of the entire strike movement was the December 2007
strike of some 55,000 real estate tax collectors employed by local
authorities. After months of public demonstrations, they struck
briefly and won their demand for wage parity with their counterparts
employed directly by the Ministry of Finance.

Waving Loaves of Bread

Of more lasting importance, the elected strike committee of the tax
collectors effectively turned itself into an independent trade union.
The same has happened at Misr Spinning and Weaving in Mahalla al-Kubra
in the Nile Delta. The Mahalla textile workers are among the best
organized and most politically conscious. In November 2007 they
initiated regular meetings with representatives of other public- and
private-sector firms seeking to raise consciousness and prepare the
organizational infrastructure to establish a trade union independent
of the General Federation of Egyptian Trade Unions, which is
effectively an arm of the state.

The oppositional middle-class intelligentsia, which had difficulty
relating to the strike movement until late 2007, has begun to
demonstrate more consistent solidarity with the working class and its
demands. Broad popular discontent over inflation and massive anger
over the shortage of subsidized bread, the main source of calories for
the poor, have become more visible in recent months and provided the
context for making this still tenuous cross-class connection. Some of
the mobilizations around these issues have been closely linked to the
strike movement.

On February 17, over 10,000 Misr Spinning and Weaving workers, many of
them waving loaves of bread, with support from their families and
local merchants, demonstrated against soaring price increases and
bread shortages. The latter have precipitated several violent
disturbances, which left up to seven people dead and attracted
international media attention. The restive lines outside bakeries in
Cairo's poorer neighborhoods are the most poignant indicator of how
unequally the fruits of Egypt's record economic growth are
distributed.

But it is not just the price of bread that is stretching Egyptians'
meager budgets to the breaking point. An investigative report by
al-Misri al-Yawm concluded that the price of basic foodstuffs rose at
rates of at least 33 percent (for meat), and as much as 146 percent
(for chicken), from 2005 to 2008. The official annual rate of
inflation for January 2008 was over 11 percent and over 12 percent for
February. The Mahalla workers have popularized the demand for a
national minimum wage of 1,200 Egyptian pounds a month to cope with
this inflation. This move has embarrassed the trade union federation
into advocating increasing the minimum wage from 115 Egyptian pounds a
month, which has been the rate since 1984, to 800 Egyptian pounds a
month. A family of four would live just below the poverty line of $2 a
day on 1,200 pounds a month.

The rising cost of living led university professors to stage a one-day
strike in March. Doctors have also threatened to strike, and dentists
have expressed dissatisfaction with their wages. The participation of
these middle-class professionals in protests has lent broader
legitimacy to the workers' movement and further discredited the regime
of President Husni Mubarak, which has bestirred itself of late to
contain the discontent over shortages of staples, holding out the
prospect of increased subsidies. The political prospects of the strike
movement remain uncertain, however.

Gathering Dissent

The Muslim Brothers, the largest opposition force in Egypt, have
played little role in the workers' movement. At IBSF there is evidence
that the Brothers (or perhaps other Islamists) have sown discord among
the workers by claiming that Orascom, which is owned by the Christian
Sawiris clan, is seeking to dispossess Muslim workers. In fact, there
are both Muslim and Christian workers at the firm. The group of
workers who related their stories insisted vociferously and repeatedly
that they totally reject making any distinction between Muslims and
Christians and that while they had brought their plight to the
attention of one of their two parliamentary representatives who
belongs to the ruling National Democratic Party, they did not approach
the representative who is a Muslim Brother, fearing that he would
promote a sectarian approach to their problem.

Left intellectuals seem to be finding ways to support the workers'
movement. The Sixth Cairo Conference and Social Forum, an annual event
organized by a coalition of Trotskyists, Nasserists and Muslim
Brothers convened from March 27-30. In 2008, as in 2007, workers
addressed audiences comprised largely of Muslim Brothers and secular
intellectuals, including foreigners. Some Egyptian leftists and
progressives shy away from this event. They do not want to be
associated with the Muslim Brothers. Others reject its rather
simple-minded notion of "resistance" against Zionism and imperialism,
one that embraces any and all forms of armed struggle and has a high
tolerance for anti-Semitism. Still others regard the event as
irrevocably tainted, since the first conference in December 2002 is
said to have been funded by Saddam Hussein to rally opposition to the
March 2003 invasion of Iraq.

At the same time (perhaps indicating either a certain lack of
coordination or sectarian competition), on March 28 the New Woman
Foundation organized a celebration in Cairo to honor women who have
been prominent in the strike movement. Women strike leaders from the
tax collectors' movement, Misr Spinning and Weaving, and the Hinawi
Tobacco Company in Damanhour were acknowledged, along with Na'ma
'Abduh, a resident of Wadi 'Amar near Alexandria, who had organized
her neighborhood to protest pollution from the cement dust from the
Portland Cement Company, which was causing asthma and other illnesses.

After the festivities the women sat down with a number of their male
colleagues and participated in a strategy session to discuss the call
for a general strike on April 6, initiated by the Mahalla textile
workers. The strike will occur two days before local elections, which
will finally take place after a two-year delay to allow time for a
sweeping crackdown on the Muslim Brothers. The local elections have
been rigged in advance through the elimination of most candidates
known to oppose the National Democratic Party and the arrest of 800
Muslim Brothers, many of whom were planning to run in the elections.

The general strike call is being widely supported by groups of
workers, professionals and opposition political parties. This is
potentially the broadest-based gathering of dissent the Mubarak regime
has ever faced. The combination of repression, apathy and political
demobilization that has sustained autocracy in Egypt for over half a
century is being forcefully challenged, making it increasingly
difficult for the Mubarak regime, if not its capitalist cronies, to
conduct business as usual.

For background on Egypt's working-class protest, see Joel Beinin, "The
Militancy of Mahalla al-Kubra," Middle East Report Online, September
29, 2007.

See also Joel Beinin and Hossam el-Hamalawy, "Strikes in Egypt Spread
from Center of Gravity," Middle East Report Online, May 9, 2007.

For more on Egypt's political-economic challenges, see Eric Denis,
"Demographic Surprises Foreshadow Change in Neoliberal Egypt," in
Middle East Report 246 (Spring 2008). Order the issue online.
-- 
Yoshie
<http://montages.blogspot.com/>