[R-G] Latin America's odd couple
Anthony Fenton
fentona at shaw.ca
Tue Aug 21 10:28:25 MDT 2007
Copyright 2007 The Calgary Herald, a division of Canwest MediaWorks
Publication Inc.
All Rights Reserved
The Calgary Herald (Alberta)
August 19, 2007 Sunday
Final Edition
SECTION: THE EDITORIAL PAGE; Pg. A12
LENGTH: 829 words
HEADLINE: Latin America's odd couple
BYLINE: Harry Sterling, For the Calgary Herald
BODY:
The one leader travels around Latin America extolling ethanol as a
realistic solution to the region's growing energy needs.
The other tours regional neighbours offering to provide petroleum at
reasonable prices if they sign up with his Energy Security Treaty,
guaranteeing oil and gas supplies for the foreseeable future. For
many, it's a tempting offer, though it comes with a catch.
The different approaches taken by Brazilian President, Luis Inacio
Lula da Silva -- commonly called simply Lula -- and oil-rich
Venezuela's Hugo Chavez, couldn't be starker. If anything, Lula and
Chavez have come to represent two quite divergent approaches to
meeting the seemingly insatiable global appetite for petroleum supplies.
It's an appetite with direct ramifications for Canadian oil and gas
producers, especially in Alberta's booming oilsands sector which
reportedly has received more than $36 billion Cdn in investment so
far with even more investment on the horizon.
Brazil's Lula has taken the lead in promoting sugar cane-based
ethanol as a way in which to use a renewable natural resource in
place of non-renewable oil, a shrinking source of energy in many
traditional producing nations.
In recent weeks, Chavez himself, was actively promoting his
"Petroleum socialism," visiting Argentina where he and President
Nestor Kirchner signed a treaty ensuring Argentina ample supplies of
oil and gas ". . . for the next one hundred years and more."
This was followed by a Venezuelan commitment to help expand Uruguay's
sole oil refinery and construct a new refinery in Ecuador which would
produce 300,000 barrels per day.
Accompanied by Kirchner, Chavez next arrived in Bolivia where he and
Kirchner inked an agreement pledging to assist the populist
government of President Evo Morales in exporting natural gas.
Chavez has also been extremely active in offering oil deals to
Caribbean neighbours, including concessionary oil prices for close
ally, Fidel Castro. But his actions are not simply about oil and gas.
They're also very much about challenging the traditional predominant
role of the United States in the Western Hemisphere.
Despite the fact the U.S. remains one of Venezuela's largest export
markets for its petroleum, Chavez has been presenting himself as an
alternative to American hegemony and bad-mouthing President George W.
Bush wherever he goes. He has even embraced such less than democratic
regimes as Belarus and Iran.
During this month's tour of South American countries, the ex-
paratrooper persistently denounced Washington for its longstanding
attempts to dominate the region, purportedly imposing its will by
invading or intimidating its neighbours.
According to Chavez "The empire of the north is a real assassin, a
genocidal killer" which acts like a Dracula, sucking up 20 per cent
of the world's energy supplies even though it only has five per cent
of the world's population.
Unlike Chavez, Lula da Silva has tried to maintain cordial relations
with all hemispheric nations, including the United States. He points
to Brazil's own success in developing a thriving ethanol sector,
primarily based on sugar cane.
However, despite Lula's moderate non-ideological approach to dealing
with global energy demands, some question the emphasis placed on the
ethanol alternative, claiming it could destroy the current system of
small farm holdings in the hemisphere or drive up the prices of
agricultural products for consumers, particularly such things as
corn, now widely used in the U.S. for ethanol production.
Lula's efforts to persuade Bush to lower tariffs on Brazil's sugar
cane-based ethanol have not been successful so far because many
American politicians prefer to promote the more expensive corn-based
ethanol produced by American farmers, whose vote could be crucial
during elections.
While Lula is extolling the virtues of ethanol to create jobs and
improve living standards in developing countries, Chavez is using
dramatically increased revenue from high world oil prices (prices for
Venezuelan oil exports have increased about eightfold since 1999) to
advance his ideological goals, especially his attempts to end the
influence of Washington.
But to achieve his objectives, Chavez needs oil prices to remain
high. Should the U.S. and other major economies suddenly falter or
slide into recession, bringing down oil prices, it would have
immediate global fallout as was demonstrated when Central Banks
recently had to intervene to shore up financial sectors following
sell-offs on world stock markets caused by American mortgage failures.
(Analysts believe Alberta's oilsands development itself would remain
quite viable as long as oil prices per barrel remain above $40 Cdn.)
If there's anything which ultimately could adversely affect Chavez's
political ambitions it paradoxically would be the very same oil
resources which have enabled him to promote his ideological goals.
Harry Sterling, a former diplomat, is an Ottawa-based commentator. He
served in Venezuela.
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