[R-G] Re: Senator Byrd
DavidMcR at aol.com
DavidMcR at aol.com
Mon Feb 17 12:44:58 MST 2003
Yes, Sidney, it is. Strange that it is Byrd, the old southern racist,
reactionary, etc., who would defend the Republic in this dark hour. And how
silent, how timid, the liberal voice.
Crisis brings out the best and worst in people.
David McReynolds
<< Subj:
Date: 2/17/03 7:45:41 AM Eastern Standard Time
From: sgendin01 at comcast.net (Sidney Gendin)
To: RFM at virginia.edu (Bob McNergney), DavidMcR at aol.com (David
McReynolds), bemart2 at optonline.net (Marty Hellman)
I think this is a great speech. Sid
Peace Through Ideas - Ideas Through Debate
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Return to Home Page - The Modern Tribune
We Stand Passively Mute
THIS IS NO SMALL CONFLAGRATION WE CONTEMPLATE
By SENATOR ROBERT BYRD
Senate Floor Speech
Wednesday 12 February 2003
------------------------------------------------------------------------
WASHINGTON, D.C. (2/12) - To contemplate war is to think about the most
horrible of human experiences. On this February day, as this nation
stands at the brink of battle, every American on some level must be
contemplating the horrors of war.
Yet, this Chamber is, for the most part, silent -- ominously,
dreadfully silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt to lay
out for the nation the pros and cons of this particular war. There is
nothing.
We stand passively mute in the United States Senate, paralyzed by our
own uncertainty, seemingly stunned by the sheer turmoil of events. Only
on the editorial pages of our newspapers is there much substantive
discussion of the prudence or imprudence of engaging in this particular
war.
And this is no small conflagration we contemplate. This is no simple
attempt to defang a villain. No. This coming battle, if it
materializes, represents a turning point in U.S. foreign policy and
possibly a turning point in the recent history of the world.
This nation is about to embark upon the first test of a revolutionary
doctrine applied in an extraordinary way at an unfortunate time. The
doctrine of preemption -- the idea that the United States or any other
nation can legitimately attack a nation that is not imminently
threatening but may be threatening in the future -- is a radical new
twist on the traditional idea of self defense. It appears to be in
contravention of international law and the UN Charter. And it is being
tested at a time of world-wide terrorism, making many countries around
the globe wonder if they will soon be on our -- or some other nation's
-- hit list.
High level Administration figures recently refused to take nuclear
weapons off of the table when discussing a possible attack against
Iraq. What could be more destabilizing and unwise than this type of
uncertainty, particularly in a world where globalism has tied the vital
economic and security interests of many nations so closely together?
There are huge cracks emerging in our time-honored alliances, and U.S.
intentions are suddenly subject to damaging worldwide speculation.
Anti-Americanism based on mistrust, misinformation, suspicion, and
alarming rhetoric from U.S. leaders is fracturing the once solid
alliance against global terrorism which existed after September 11.
Here at home, people are warned of imminent terrorist attacks with
little guidance as to when or where such attacks might occur. Family
members are being called to active military duty, with no idea of the
duration of their stay or what horrors they may face.
Communities are being left with less than adequate police and fire
protection. Other essential services are also short-staffed. The mood
of the nation is grim. The economy is stumbling. Fuel prices are rising
and may soon spike higher. This Administration, now in power for a
little over two years, must be judged on its record. I believe that
that record is dismal.
In that scant two years, this Administration hassquandered a large
projected surplus of some $5.6 trillion over the next decade and taken
us to projected deficits as far as the eye can see. This
Administration's domestic policy has put many of our states in dire
financial condition, under funding scores of essential programs for our
people. This Administration has fostered policies which have slowed
economic growth. This Administration has ignored urgent matters such as
the crisis in health care for our elderly. This Administration has been
slow to provide adequate funding for homeland security. This
Administration has been reluctant to better protect our long and porous
borders.
In foreign policy, this Administration has failed to find Osama bin
Laden. In fact, just yesterday we heard from him again marshaling his
forces and urging them to kill. This Administration has split
traditional alliances, possibly crippling, for all time, International
order-keeping entities like the United Nations and NATO. This
Administration has called into question the traditional worldwide
perception of the United States as well-intentioned peacekeeper. This
Administration has turned the patient art of diplomacy into threats,
labeling, and name calling of the sort that reflects quite poorly on
the intelligence and sensitivity of our leaders, and which will have
consequences for years to come.
Calling heads of state pygmies, labeling whole countries as evil,
denigrating powerful European allies as irrelevant -- these types of
crude insensitivities can do our great nation no good. We may have
massive military might, but we cannot fight a global war on terrorism
alone. We need the cooperation and friendship of our time-honored
allies as well as the newer found friends whom we can attract with our
wealth. Our awesome military machine will do us little good if we
suffer another devastating attack on our homeland which severely
damages our economy. Our military manpower is already stretched thin
and we will need the augmenting support of those nations who can supply
troop strength, not just sign letters cheering us on.
The war in Afghanistan has cost us $37 billion so far, yet there is
evidence that terrorism may already be starting to regain its hold in
that region. We have not found bin Laden, and unless we secure the
peace in Afghanistan, the dark dens of terrorism may yet again flourish
in that remote and devastated land. Pakistan as well is at risk of
destabilizing forces.
This Administration has not finished the first war against terrorism
and yet it is eager to embark on another conflict with perils much
greater than those in Afghanistan. Is our attention span that short?
Have we not learned that after winning the war one must always secure
the peace? And yet we hear little about the aftermath of war in
Iraq. In the absence of plans, speculation abroad is rife. Will we
seize Iraq's oil fields, becoming an occupying power which controls the
price and supply of that nation's oil for the foreseeable future? To
whom do we propose to hand the reigns of power after Saddam Hussein?
Will our war inflame the Muslim world resulting in devastating attacks
on Israel? Will Israel retaliate with its own nuclear arsenal? Will the
Jordanian and Saudi Arabian governments be toppled by radicals,
bolstered by Iran which has much closer ties to terrorism than Iraq?
Could a disruption of the world's oil supply lead to a world-wide
recession? Has our senselessly bellicose language and our callous
disregard of the interests and opinions of other nations increased the
global race to join the nuclear club and made proliferation an even
more lucrative practice for nations which need the income?
In only the space of two short years this reckless and arrogant
Administration has initiated policies which may reap disastrous
consequences for years. One can understand the anger and shock of any
President after the savage attacks of September 11. One can appreciate
the frustration of having only a shadow to chase and an amorphous,
fleeting enemy on which it is nearly impossible to exact retribution.
But to turn one's frustration and anger into the kind of extremely
destabilizing and dangerous foreign policy debacle that the world is
currently witnessing is inexcusable from any Administration charged
with the awesome power and responsibility of guiding the destiny of the
greatest superpower on the planet.
Frankly many of the pronouncements made by this Administration are
outrageous. There is no other word. Yet this chamber is hauntingly
silent. On what is possibly the eve of horrific infliction of death and
destruction on the population of the nation of Iraq -- a population, I
might add, of which over 50% is under age 15 -- this chamber is silent.
On what is possibly only days before we send thousands of our own
citizens to face unimagined horrors of chemical and biological warfare
-- this chamber is silent. On the eve of what could possibly be a
vicious terrorist attack in retaliation for our attack on Iraq, it is
business as usual in the United States Senate.
We are truly "sleepwalking through history." In my heart of hearts I
pray that this great nation and its good and trusting citizens are not
in for a rudest of awakenings.
To engage in war is always to pick a wild card. And war must always be
a last resort, not a first choice. I truly must question the judgment
of any President who can say that a massive unprovoked military attack
on a nation which is over 50% children is "in the highest moral
traditions of our country".
This war is not necessary at this time. Pressure appears to be having a
good result in Iraq. Our mistake was to put ourselves in a corner so
quickly. Our challenge is to now find a graceful way out of a box of
our own making. Perhaps there is still a way if we allow more time.
Senator Robert Byrd
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