[Marxism] Profile on the disgusting Benny Morris

[Louis Proyect]

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4905
Running out of Solutions
By Evan R. Goldstein
Posted April 2009

For Benny Morris the Israeli left isn't where it used to be.

On an overcast afternoon in early April, unsmiling men with big guns and 
earpieces patrol the sidewalk in front of Israeli Prime Minister 
Benjamin Netanyahu's private residence in the upscale Jerusalem 
neighborhood of Rehavia. A short walk up the road on Azza Street, Benny 
Morris sits outside a cafe, radiating despair. "Iran is building atomic 
weapons at least in part -- maybe in large part -- because it intends to 
use them. The people there are religious fanatics," he says in a rapid 
staccato. "Israel is under existential threat, and that is how Israel's 
military and political leaders must see the situation." In a 2007 essay, 
Morris, a professor of history at Ben-Gurion University, imagined a 
"second holocaust": nuclear-tipped Iranian missiles raining down on 
Haifa and Tel Aviv. "A million or more Israelis ... will die 
immediately," he predicted.

That is not the sort of language one expects from an icon of the left 
and an intellectual lodestar for supporters of the Palestinians. But 
Morris, 60, like much of the Israeli left, has grown ever more cynical 
about the prospects for a two-state solution and for peace. In his new 
book, One State, Two States: Resolving the Israel/Palestine Conflict, 
Morris argues that the Palestinian national movement has never in fact 
reconciled itself to Israel's existence as a Jewish state. His shift 
from Oslo Accords optimist to embittered pessimist is emblematic of the 
disappointment and frustration that has ravaged the Israeli left since 
the second intifada. "Morris is a one-man microcosm of what many Israeli 
Jews of the Labor-Zionist strain have undergone in the past decade," 
says David B. Green, opinion editor at Ha'aretz's English edition. "They 
recognize that we're not on the verge of peace, that this conflict may 
not be resolvable, and that they were naive to think that was the case."

Educated at Cambridge University, Morris started his career in the late 
1970s as a reporter for the Jerusalem Post, at that time a left-leaning 
newspaper. In 1987, he published his first book, The Birth of the 
Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949, making an international name for 
himself. Morris's rigorous account of how the exodus of 60 percent of 
Palestine's Arabs during the 1948 war was the result both of 
self-induced flight and forced expulsion by Jewish military forces 
challenged official Israeli dogma, and ultimately helped shape the 
intellectual and cultural climate that birthed the Oslo peace process.

"Many Jews in Israel wanted to stick to the official version of events, 
but Morris forced them not to be so smug and self-righteous about the 
past," says Hebrew University historian Alexander Yakobson. Throughout 
the mid-1990s, Morris continued to express his hope that an honest 
reckoning with the history of the conflict might help reconcile Arabs 
and Israelis.

But Morris's optimism was first shattered in 2000 when Yasir Arafat 
rejected Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton's two-state proposals.

"Not only did they say no, but they launched a terroristic and guerrilla 
war against both the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and 
Israel itself, suggesting that they are not just after the territories 
but want to drive the Jews out of Palestine," Morris says. His dismay 
was further exacerbated when Israel's unilateral withdrawal from Gaza in 
2005 failed to staunch Palestinian violence. "The moment Israel pulled 
out from a chunk of Arab territory, as the Arabs have always been 
demanding, it turned into a base for rocket attacks," fumes Morris, who 
went to jail for three weeks in 1987 for refusing to serve as an army 
reservist in the occupied territories. Now he believes that Palestinian 
irredentism is probably never going away.

Solidly built with a thick patch of graying curly hair, the brusque and 
opinionated Morris has a reputation as an indelicate spokesman for his 
own views. In an infamous 2004 interview with Ha'aretz, he advocated 
confining Palestinians in "something like a cage." At the time he 
explained: "I know that sounds terrible. It is really cruel. But there 
is no choice. There is a wild animal there that has to be locked up in 
one way or another." (Morris later apologized.)

This kind of blasphemy has alienated many of his former comrades on the 
left. Tom Segev, a prominent columnist, has suggested that Morris 
"flipped out" as a result of the suicide bombings that plagued Israel a 
few years ago. Historian Avi Shlaim has described Morris's embrace of 
the "orthodox Zionist rendition of the past" as "simplistic, selective, 
and self-serving." And Ilan Pappe, the most radical of the Israeli 
revisionist historians, has denounced Morris as a "bigoted thinker" and 
a "charlatan."

But Morris's opinions are manifest in a very real way in Israeli 
politics. Consider the election results from February. The Labor party, 
which dominated Israeli politics until 1977 and has been the traditional 
home of the Zionist left, came in fourth with a meager 13 seats in the 
120-seat Knesset, its worst showing in the history of the state. Meretz, 
the other "major" left-wing party, garnered a pathetic three seats. This 
latest outcome is hardly an aberration: The center-right has won every 
election since Barak was voted out of the prime minister's office in 2001.

And reconciliation with the Palestinians is starting to seem like a 
dream from a bygone era, even to Morris. "Talk to any Palestinian; they 
don't know about the Jewish past, and Jewish suffering doesn't interest 
them," he says. "They believe that Jews have no legitimate right [to] be 
here. That belief underlines their vision that Palestine must be all 
Arab and must be regained by them down the road." Morris takes a sip of 
carrot juice and continues: "The peace camp has been tragically 
undermined by Arab recalcitrance. When an Israeli politician campaigns 
on a plan to broker a two-state solution, the Israeli public is no 
longer interested because they know the other side doesn't want it. So 
they vote for Netanyahu or someone else who speaks in terms of conflict 
management rather than solutions."

Discredited by events, the left has fractured into various currents; but 
its collapse has not brought triumph for the right. To a large extent, 
the peace camp is a victim of its own success; its central policy -- two 
states for two peoples -- has become the common coin of Israeli 
politics. "Partition is no longer a left-wing position," Yakobson says. 
"There are very few rational people on the right who doubt that if the 
Israeli public is convinced that getting out of the West Bank will bring 
peace, a clear majority will support withdrawal." Pointing to the rise 
of the centrist Kadima party, which comprises primarily disillusioned 
Likudniks, Yakobson adds that its leader, Tzipi Livni, is "more 
forthcoming as far as concessions to the Palestinians than Yitzhak Rabin 
was in the early 1990s." Even Avigdor Lieberman, Israel's extreme-right 
foreign minister, supports a two-state solution. And it is likely that 
Prime Minister Netanyahu will soon bow to political reality and at least 
pay lip service to the two-state paradigm. (Of course, professing 
support for the creation of a Palestinian state is not the same as 
pursuing policies that make it more likely that one will come about.)

But, although Morris remains a committed two-stater, voting for Meretz 
and Labor, he's not so sure anymore that a two-state solution is 
realistic: "Jewish Israeli society and Palestinian Arab society are in a 
different place in terms of history, culture, and values," he says. "You 
can see this most clearly in Muslim terrorism around the world, and 
their attitude towards women and intellectuals. Add to that a long 
history of violence and hatred over the last 100 years, not to mention 
different languages and a different God. It is inconceivable that a 
society of Jews and Arabs could function right now as one state in 
Palestine." Moreover, he doesn't believe that the narrow parcel of land 
sandwiched between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea can be 
partitioned along the lines proposed by Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton in 
2000. "The West Bank and Gaza are not sufficient for the Palestinian's 
needs; they need more space to resettle the diaspora of refugees who 
want to come home." So Morris advocates attaching the West Bank and Gaza 
to Jordan -- which is today majority Palestinian -- and making that 
combined entity the Palestinian state. Such an arrangement, he says, has 
a better chance of defusing the forces of Palestinian militarism and 
revanchism.

But won't such a scheme be fiercely opposed both by Palestinian 
nationalists and the monarchy of Jordan? "There are a number of large 
obstacles, but there are large obstacles in the path of any solution," 
Morris shrugs and leans back in his chair. From where he sits the 
Netanyahu government isn't going to push for real advances in the peace 
process. Not to mention that most Israelis are deeply suspicious of the 
Saudi initiative, which purports to offer Israel full recognition and 
permanent peace with the Arab states in return for a withdrawal to the 
1967 border, the establishment of a Palestinian state with East 
Jerusalem as its capital, and, perhaps most thorny, "an agreed, just 
solution" to the Palestinian refugee problem.

"Israel needs to get out of the Palestinians' hair," Morris says, 
returning to first principles. "Let them rule themselves, and give them 
a large enough country so that they don't feel extremely motivated to 
expand at Israel's expense." As a stab at optimism, such a gruff 
sentiment spoke only to the chastened expectations of the Israeli left 
-- and to the distance Morris has come over the last decade.


Evan R. Goldstein is staff editor at the Chronicle of Higher Education.