[Marxism] 1984-5 miners' strike: History On Our Side
J Rothermel
jayroth6 at cox.net
Sun Mar 29 22:02:43 MDT 2009
http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/culture/books/non_fiction/history_on_our_side
History On Our Side
by Hywel Francis (Iconau, £9.99)
Tuesday 24 March 2009
by Rob Griffiths
*
The son of communist miners' leader Dai Francis tells his story of the
1984-5 miners' strike
*
Now the Labour MP for Aberafan, Hywel Francis is well-placed to write an
authoritative account of the Great Miners' Strike in Wales. Son of
communist miners' leader Dai Francis, official historian of the "Fed" -
the South Wales Miners Federation and then the South Wales Area NUM -
and long a champion of working class education, he tells a story with
the appropriate fusion of commitment, fact and passion.
But reading this informed and informative book also brings to mind that
old saying of Aneurin Bevan, revived by the Manic Street Preachers: "You
tell me your truth and I'll tell you mine."
This is Hywel's truth. He confirms that many of the pits in south Wales
had to be picketed out in the first weeks of March 1984, despite an area
conference decision for an all-out indefinite strike.
Eighteen of the 28 pits had originally voted at local meetings against
action. The thought of marching to the top of the hill once more - and
that for a Yorkshire area which they felt had let them down just 12
months earlier over the defence of Lewis Merthyr - initially kindled
little enthusiasm among the Welsh miners.
Nor did NUM president Arthur Scargill enjoy any great personal
popularity in coal valleys more attuned to the modesty, good humour and
inclusive political and cultural outlook of Dai Francis and his ilk.
Shock troops from Tower colliery and Maerdy - one of the surviving
"Little Moscows" - had to implore, even hector, the rest of the
foot-soldiers into battle. To its credit, the south Wales leadership
under area president Emlyn Williams, who was known as "Emlyn the
Kremlin" despite his lifelong Labour Party membership, stood resolute
from the beginning to lend the emerging militancy discipline and direction.
For the remainder of the strike, south Wales was a bastion of solidarity
with and between the miners. Francis lucidly describes and explains how
and why this was so. As chair of the extraordinary Wales Congress in
Support of Mining Communities, he identifies the role that women, ethnic
minority communities, gays and lesbians, Welsh language campaigners and
even farmers played in building a unique solidarity movement.
Prominent in feeding an anti-Yorkshire, anti-Scargill mood from the
beginning of the strike was South Wales NUM research officer Kim
Howells. Like some other communists and ex-communists, he was relentless
in his private and semi-public pronouncements on Scargill's sins and
shortcomings. Indeed, so presumptuous and vituperative were the attacks
of this unelected official on the union's elected president, it even
caused a rift between Howells and Hywel Francis, which surfaces only
obliquely in this book.
Hywel's truth is too kind to renegades like this. He even makes one
fleeting attempt to rehabilitate then Labour leader Neil Kinnock, who
preferred condemning miners for "picket-line violence" to turning up on
those picket lines and winning solidarity from the rest of the labour
movement.
Many ex-miners have not forgotten or forgiven Kinnock for his treachery.
And, although the initiative to end the strike came from south Wales -
still the most solid coalfield as the strike crumbled - the majority of
Welsh miners also voted to re-elect Scargill as NUM president against
the recommednation of their area leadership a few months later.
Hywel's truth approves the assessment of south Wales area general
secretary George Rees shortly after the strike's defeat that "beneficial
alliances and long-term policies are easier to construct and formulate
when the demands for industrial conflict are more absent than present."
This relegated the necessity of taking industrial action and wrongly
counterposed it to building broad alliances.
The alliance which the author worked so tirelessly to construct -
although he thought it was aimed at Thatcherism rather than state
monopoly capitalism - was founded upon and inspired by the miners who
took action. While it's by no means certain that a strike would have
saved the pits finished off by the Heseltine closure programme in
1992-93, not a even an alliance so broad as to include rebel Tory MPs
succeeded without it.
The full, unexpurgated story of the miners' strike, in Wales and
elsewhere, remains to be told. It would have to include the rigging of
financial figures against targeted pits by the installation of expensive
and unnecessary machinery, the work of the "money mules" who carried
cases of cash through customs and into Britain and the role of
sympathetic journalists and other intermediaries who helped to protect
pension funds against sequestration.
In the meantime, this book by Hywel Francis makes a valuable, if in
places contentious, contribution to that story.
'South Wales leadership stood resolute from the beginning to lend the
emerging militancy discipline and direction.'
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