[Marxism] For the record and sorry

[Waistline2 at aol.com]

In a message dated 7/1/2009 9:54:42 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time,  
nmgoro at gmail.com writes:

I feel that Shane´s last opinion is abstract outside the imperialist  
nations.

There is a good reason: Latin American revolutionariess have  suffered a 
defeat in Argentina, not without a strong push from a good  fraction of 
the "abstract Arg left", and I am too busy trying to put my  grain of 
sand in the effort to reorganize our forces and strike back.
 
Comment
 
Much of what is referred to as "abstract outside the imperialist nations'  
is equally abstract within the imperial states. Intellectual shadow boxing 
has  its place as theory discourse, but fighting calls for one to "man up" 
and engage  the enemy on hostile political and economic terrain. The electoral 
arena is an  arena and communist assigned to this arena should not only be 
respected but  their opinions should carry more weight than those not 
involved in this complex  work. Here general theory is useless. 
 
All this penning away about bourgeois candidates and opposition to them all 
 on principle makes perfect sense for those whose activities is outside the 
 electoral arena. Those outside of electoral work, where the majority of 
the  proletariat thrives, cannot set policy for those inside the electoral 
process.  The electoral arena deal with the material politics of combating the 
ideological  and political middle, which in all countries constitutes the 
economic and social  prop of capital. Those individuals willing to give voice 
to the demands of the  workers - at large, are to be supporter, even if 
conditionally. It is important  that we fight for the podium. 
 
The modern theory of social revolution, defined as society breaking down  
into two major classes, bourgeois and proletariat, means the development of  
polarization and external collision between classes, rather than wage 
struggle. 
 
Here is the dynamic: the proletariat - the lowest section of present day  
society, only enters the electoral process during crisis and as it faces  
increased state violence and in America police murders. To be effective  
revolutionaries have to skillfully combine the immediate demands of "the voters"  
- (the economic and political middle), with the strivings of the lowest 
section  of society - the real proletariat, while tilting to the vocal demands 
of the  middle. This is so because the political middle consistently votes. 
The  economic-political middle is a historic class formation that is capital. 
For  instance the auto workers constituted the core of the economic and 
political  middle between roughly 1920 and 1990's America. Today, these same 
auto  workers are objectively revolutionary in their decay as the political 
middle. 
 
The revolutionary process - as described by Lenin, becomes the  practical 
politics of the realignment and defeat of the political middle as a  social 
prop for capital.  That is its conversion from a social prop of  capital to 
support for the striving of the lowest section of the proletariat. In  
Argentina and America the political middle is being defeated on the basis of the  
bourgeois order rather than the social and political forces of the 
proletarian  revolution. This is the political equation for fascism. 
 
That is the problem and we are not going to talk our way out of this fight. 
 
Comrades suitable to the task are called to "man the up" and saddle  up. 
Comrades more suitable for street corner dissertation and literature  
distribution should do that. 
 
The fight over and against the political middle and for the speakers podium 
 is on. 
 
 
WL. 


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