[Marxism] A Few Thoughts On The Six Counties

[Jscotlive at aol.com]

Having just spent two days in the Six Counties (or Northern Ireland to give  
it its formal name under British rule), I would like to share a few thoughts  
about the place and the ongoing peace process that ended the war, or The  
Troubles, which began in 1969.  The Peace Process was well named.  Beginning in 
1994 with the original declaration of a ceasefire by the IRA,  it went through a 
temporary setback in 1996 when the IRA broke their ceasefire  due to the 
stance taken by the then British government, under John Major, on  decommissioning 
of weapons, then through to 1998, when US Senator George  Mitchell presided 
over talks which bore fruit in the form of the Good  Friday Agreement on 
devolution to which both the Republican and  Unionist leadership signed up to. 
Despite announcing their original  ceasefire back in 1994, it took until 2005 
before the IRA  formally announced the end of the armed struggle and pledged to 
decommission all  weapons. Their statement doing so read as follows:
 
 

"The leadership of _Óglaigh na  hÉireann_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Óglaigh_na_hÉireann)  has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign. This will 
take  effect from 4pm this afternoon. 

All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been  
instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic  programmes 
through exclusively peaceful means. Volunteers must not engage in  any other 
activities whatsoever. 

The IRA leadership has also authorised our representative to engage  with the 
IICD to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use in  a way 
which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as  quickly 
as possible. 

We have invited two independent witnesses, from the Protestant and  Catholic 
churches, to testify to this. 

The _Army Council_ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IRA_Army_Council)  took  
these decisions following an unprecedented internal discussion and  consultation 
process with IRA units and Volunteers. 

We appreciate the honest and forthright way in which the consultation  
process was carried out and the depth and content of the submissions. We are  proud 
of the comradely way in which this truly historic discussion was  conducted. 

The outcome of our consultations show very strong support among IRA  
Volunteers for the Sinn Féin peace strategy. 

There is also widespread concern about the failure of the two  governments 
and the unionists to fully engage in the peace process. This has  created real 
difficulties. 

The overwhelming majority of people in Ireland fully support this  process. 

They and friends of Irish unity throughout the world want to see the  full 
implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. 

Notwithstanding these difficulties our decisions have been taken to  advance 
our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a  united 
Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and  to end 
British rule in our country. 

It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership,  determination 
and courage. We are very mindful of the sacrifices of our  patriot dead, 
those who went to jail, Volunteers, their families and the wider  republican base. 
We reiterate our view that the armed struggle was entirely  legitimate. 

We are conscious that many people suffered in the conflict. There is a  
compelling imperative on all sides to build a just and lasting peace. 

The issue of the defence of nationalist and republican communities has  been 
raised with us. There is a responsibility on society to ensure that there  is 
no re-occurrence of the _pogroms_ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogrom)  of 
1969 and the early  1970s. 

There is also a universal responsibility to tackle sectarianism in all  its 
forms. 

The IRA is fully committed to the goals of Irish unity and independence  and 
to building the Republic outlined in the _1916  Proclamation_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proclamation_of_the_Irish_Republic) . 

We call for maximum unity and effort by Irish republicans  everywhere. 

We are confident that by working together Irish republicans can achieve  our 
objectives. 

Every Volunteer is aware of the import of the decisions we have taken  and 
all Óglaigh are compelled to fully comply with these orders. 

There is now an unprecedented opportunity to utilise the considerable  energy 
and goodwill which there is for the peace process. This comprehensive  series 
of unparalleled initiatives is our contribution to this and to the  continued 
endeavours to bring about independence and unity for the people of  Ireland." 

The definitive end of the conflict came in 2007, when the Democratic  
Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein formed a government. In July of that  year the 
British Army announced the end of Operation Banner, the name given  their 
military operation in the province which began in 1969. 
 
The significance of Ian Paisley and Martin McGuiness working together as  
First Minister and Deputy First Minister respectively of the nascent Northern  
Ireland Assembly at Stormont can't be overestimated. Here we had in Paisley  the 
man who personified more than any other throughout the  Troubles loyalist 
intransigence and a commitment to preserving a  status quo of anti-Catholic 
apartheid in the province, and Martin McGuinness,  former IRA commander in Derry, 
whose status in the ranks was largely  responsible for bringing on board the 
'hard men' of the IRA who were  reluctant to end the war, agreeing to sit down 
together and form a government.  To many this would be the defining moment of 
politics in the province, when  the war and more importantly the hatred 
underpinning the  war had absolutely and finally come to an end.
 
Or did it?
 
Driving through the likes of Armagh, Newry, Portadown, Loughall, small  towns 
the names of which are internationally recognised as a result of the  war, 
there was little sign that the separation between both  communities which has 
lasted generations had dissipated. Marking the entrance to  every working class 
housing state (projects for US subscribers) was a Union  Jack, Red Hand of 
Ulster flag, red, white, and blue bunting, lampposts  and kerb stones painted 
red, white, and blue, along with crests of King Billy  and various other symbols 
in deference to loyalist  militarism. I came across various Orange Order halls 
on my  travels too, meeting places for an organisation which more than any 
other  represents loyalist and protestant domination in the North. The entrance 
to the  town of Portadown in particular consists of an arch painted red, 
white, and  blued, over which a large metal crest of protestant King Billy on a 
white  horse looks down, leaving visitors and residents in no doubt who rules in 
this  part of the world. 
 
As for the security apparatus, whilst there are no longer British Army  
patrols and armoured cars out on the streets, nor military helicopters  flying 
overhead (especially in South Armagh, where the British Army and security  forces 
were forced to abandon the road to the IRA at the height  of the conflict), 
you still get a feeling of a heightened security  apparatus in place. Police 
stations in every town are more like armed  fortresses, replete with high walls, 
wire fencing and  watchtowers. Atop hills and mountains as you drive around 
the  countryside are listening masts, used by the security and intelligence 
services  for surveillance and which still appear operational.
 
What makes this even more significant is the fact I wasn't out looking for  
these things. They predominate the landscape and towns to such and extent they  
are impossible to miss or ignore. 

 
The only visible sign of republican or nationalist demarcation that I  saw in 
this part of the province was in the form of a CIRA (Continuity IRA)  
graffiti on the edge of a sprawling housing estate in Armagh.  
 
Moving up to Belfast, the contradiction between the modern face of the six  
counties which the establishment is eager to project, and a  past defined by 
over 30 years of war and conflict, is very much in  evidence. The centre of the 
city is no different to that you will find in  any modern European city. It is 
vibrant, affluent, and judging by the sheer  number of construction cranes 
dotting the landscape, booming (not much evidence  of the credit crunch here, it 
has to be said). An abundance of cafes,  restaurants, designer stores, and 
upmarket bars clog the streets, and the  demographic seems predominately young. 
Indeed, passing Queens University, I was  impressed by the energy and dynamism 
produced by so many young people on  the street.
 
But move out to the outskirts, to West, East, North and South Belfast, and  
you'd think you were in an entirely different city. Despite the peace process,  
these areas remain citadels of sectarianism and militant commitment to a 
cause,  with neither community either able or willing to compromise. Each  
community is decidedly off limits to members of the other, and the  pride which each 
takes in their martyrs and the war is immediately evident  in the elaborate 
wall murals which abound.
 
If war is politics with bloodshed and politics war without, the only  
conclusion to be drawn after a visit to the six counties of Ireland is  that 
hostilities might be suspended but they are definitely not  at an end. The underlying 
cause of occupation and religious  sectarianism remains ever present in a part 
of the world defined by  both.