[Marxism] A new interview with Stalin

[Sky Keyes-Vogt]

Greetings-

Walter has been an activist in solidarity with the Cuban Revolution for
longer than I have been alive.  And I give respect where its due.  I
myself - a Marxist youth - am also an ardent supporter of the Cuban
Revolution.  It is the beacon by which I think other 3rd world countries can
find a path towards socialism.

I must say though that I find it contradictory that Walter supports the
Cuban Revolution with such zeal yet here we see him harshly criticize a
Venezuelan revolutionary... for what?  Being to the left of Chavez?  Is it
really so horrible to criticize Chavez from the left?  Usually I find that
accusations of "well you don't live there" are lobbed at those of us who
aren't citizens of the country in question (although I'm not accusing Walter
of that), but in this case we're talking of a citizen of Venezuela.  From
everything I've read on this guy, he appears to a committed and principled
revolutionary.  Is it our wish that no one be to the left of Chavez?  That
no one pressure the movement from the left?  Or should Chavez and only
Bolivarians that agree with him totally be listened to and followed?

There are some on this list that scoff at the idea that a youth in America
could possibly conceive of criticisms of leaders like Morales and Chavez and
the path they are taking.  I find that to be disheartening.  But I find it
down right deplorable that we have voices on this list dismissing the
words of a real revolutionary like Stalin Pérez Borges so quickly.
This guy's words need to be taken seriously and - if disagreed with -
debated seriously.

In case you all didn't know, he's under attack by the bourgeoisie *right now
*:

http://socialistworker.org/2008/08/25/venezuelan-union-leader-facing-jail

August 25, 2008

Why is a Venezuelan union leader facing jail?

THE OWNER of Fundimeca, an air conditioning factory in Valencia, in the
state of Carabobo, is waging an intense campaign of terror and intimidation
against the factory's workforce.

Fundimeca's workforce has been fighting to ensure that the company complies
with Venezuela's constitution and labor laws, in particular, an order by the
labor inspectorate to rehire nine workers. Fundimeca employs 360 workers, 80
percent of whom are women.

One worker has been shot in the leg by armed thugs, and 18 workers and three
union leaders are currently facing trial in Carabobo courts, accused of
various charges, including criminal gang activity, with the threat of jail
terms looming over their heads.

Among those standing trial is Stalin Pérez Borges, a national coordinator of
the National Union of Workers (UNT) and Venezuela's principal delegate to
this year's International Labor Organization convention--where after seven
years, the delegation successfully removed Venezuela from the list of
countries that supposedly violate union freedom.

Pérez Borges and a number of the others facing trial are also members of the
mass-based United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), headed by Venezuelan
President Hugo Chávez.

Also facing charges is union finance secretary and a key leader of the
dispute, Gloria Palomina, who was shot by armed thugs. Some of those facing
trial did not participate at all in the dispute, while others have been
threatened with charges if they do not resign.

Meanwhile, Fundameca boss Jose Ignacio Jaramillo, an anti-Castro Cuban who
supported the coup attempt against Chávez in 2002, has outright refused to
abide by the law. He is suspected of being behind the shooting of Palomina
yet continues to walk free, openly declaring he has enough money to buy all
the "justice" he needs in Carabobo.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

SINCE THE election of Hugo Chávez in 1998, the rights of workers have
dramatically increased. Using the new constitution and laws introduced, a
new layer of pro-revolution unions have been organized and scored some
important successes in the fight for workers' rights--including, in certain
instances, organizing workers to take over the running of factories shut by
their owners.

This has also led to a reinvigoration of the workers movement, particularly
after the struggle by workers, together with the community and armed forces,
to break the back of the bosses' strike in December 2002-January 2003, which
attempted to shut down the state oil company and other important industries.

In response, employers have launched successive attacks against the new
layer of militant unionists, sacking those who attempt to form new unions
and demand their rights. In a number of cases, the employers have gotten
help from state bureaucrats who do not enforce compliance with pro-worker
laws, including counter-revolutionary elements within the still-existing
capitalist state institutions.

In the case of Fundimeca, evidence points to close collaboration between the
boss, the local court and the public prosecutions office in order to defeat
the workers.

The struggle at Fundimeca began on June 26, when the boss refused to enact
the order of the labor inspectorate of Valencia to rehire nine workers
sacked last November. In response, a group of workers decided to go on
strike and formed a picket line outside the factory.

On June 30, Palomina was shot when two armed men rode up to the picket line
on motorbikes and told the workers to get back to work. Out of fear for
their safety, the workers took over the factory that day.

This is just part of the intimidation campaign against the workers, who have
had their houses monitored day and night, received threatening phone calls
and been threatened with jail terms if they do not resign.

On July 3 and July 18, the workers were ordered to leave the premises by
state judge Mauricia María Gonzalez, who is also a member of the PSUV. The
workers refused to leave the first time, and the factory was inspected and
deemed to be in perfect shape.

The second time, following a signed agreement in which the workers would
leave the factory and the boss would not take reprisal actions and would
rehire the nine workers, cover the medical costs of Palomina and withdraw
the charges laid, the workers left the factory.

However, the boss failed to comply with the agreement. On August 4, the
workers were notified that arrest orders had been issued against them. Three
days later, they presented themselves before the authorities and were held
for almost six hours in a maximum-security prison. They were informed they
were being charged with violating private property, impeding the right to
work and criminal gang activity, among other charges.

Public prosecutor Jaime Alexander Martinez Lugo asked that the workers
facing court be deprived of liberty until the end of the trial, a request
rejected by the judge, who instead ordered that the accused could not leave
the state, be in the vicinity of Fundimeca or speak out against the company.
They were warned that if they broke any of these terms, they would be
detained in Tocuyito prison. If found guilty, the workers face several years
in jail.

Many are asking: given all this, why is the boss--who has still not rehired
the workers as ordered by the state, is under suspicion for involvement in
the shooting of a union leader and continues to threaten other workers--not
facing charges or even investigation?'

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