[Marxism] An analysis of the DP convention that works better
Louis Proyect
lnp3 at panix.com
Mon Sep 1 07:20:43 MDT 2008
Marvin wrote:
>Unions, women, blacks, immigrants, gays, environmentalists, the antiwar and
>other reform movements have petitioned, demonstrated and engaged in other
>forms of direct action primarily to exert pressure on Congress to realize
>their demands through legislation. While there is much debate about the
>means of struggle and the laws which issue from it, they're part of the same
>process and aren't counterposed to each other.
There is a very subtle confusion here that I want to bring to
comrades' attention. Marvin refers to unions, etc. as "reform
movements". Historically, the trade union movement has gone through
stages. In the beginning, industrial unionism was quite radical as
the IWW and the early CIO would demonstrate. In fact, the early trade
union movement did not need the Wagner Act to make gains. Sit-down
strikes, etc. were enough to wrest concessions from the bosses.
The purpose of the Wagner Act was to help *institutionalize* the
trade union movement and bring it within the framework of the
capitalist state. Not long after the CIO became "legal", it began to
function as an arm of the New Deal along with the CPUSA. Everything
was subordinated to the New Deal, including support for WWII. FDR and
the teamster bureaucracy worked together to prosecute the Trotskyists
under the Smith Act. Silencing the radicals was seen as a prelude to
establishing the class peace necessary at home in order to push for
imperialist war abroad. During WWII, many CIO unions under CPUSA
leadership backed a no-strike pledge. When the civil rights movement
announced a March on Washington against racism, the CPUSA denounced
this as virtually a traitorous act.
After WWII, the CP was purged from the trade union movement and the
AFL-CIO became a bulwark of the Cold War as Meany and others placed
operatives in restive 3rd world countries to help build unions in the
AFL-CIO mold.
In fact, there is very little understanding in Marvin's posts about
the role of trade unions in the period of what Trotsky called
imperialist decay. It seems to reflect the kind of sunny outlook you
find on the websites or promotional material sent out by these
compromised bureaucratic institutions on days just like today, Labor Day.
http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1940/xx/tu.htm
In the trade union movement throughout the world there is to be
observed in the last period a swing to the right and the suppression
of internal democracy. In England, the Minority Movement in the trade
unions has been crushed (not without the assistance of Moscow); the
leaders of the trade union movement are today, especially in the
field of foreign policy, the obedient agents of the Conservative
party. In France there was no room for an independent existence for
Stalinist trade unions; they united with the so-called
anarcho-syndicalist trade unions under the leadership of Jouhaux and
as a result of this unification there was a general shift of the
trade union movement not to the left but to the right. The leadership
of the CGT is the most direct and open agency of French imperialist capitalism.
In the United States the trade union movement has passed through the
most stormy history in recent years. The rise of the CIO is
incontrovertible evidence of the revolutionary tendencies within the
working masses. Indicative and noteworthy in the highest degree,
however, is the fact that the new "leftist" trade union organization
was no sooner founded than it fell into the steel embrace of the
imperialist state. The struggle among the tops between the old
federation and the new is reducible in large measure to the struggle
for the sympathy and support of Roosevelt and his cabinet.
No less graphic, although in a different sense, is the picture of the
development or the degeneration of the trade union movement in Spain.
In the socialist trade unions all those leading elements which to any
degree represented the independence of the trade union movement were
pushed out. As regards the anarcho-syndicalist unions, they were
transformed into the instrument of the bourgeois republicans; the
anarcho-syndicalist leaders became conservative bourgeois ministers.
The fact that this metamorphosis took place in conditions of civil
war does not weaken its significance. War is the continuation of the
self-same policies. It speeds up processes, exposes their basic
features, destroys all that is rotten, false, equivocal and lays bare
all that is essential. The shift of the trade unions to the right was
due to the sharpening of class and international contradictions. The
leaders of the trade union movement sensed or understood, or were
given to understand, that now was no time to play the game of
opposition. Every oppositional movement within the trade union
movement, especially among the tops, threatens to provoke a stormy
movement of the masses and to create difficulties for national
imperialism. Hence flows the swing of the trade unions to the right,
and the suppression of workers' democracy within the unions. The
basic feature, the swing towards the totalitarian regime, passes
through the labor movement of the whole world.
We should also recall Holland, where the reformist and the trade
union movement was not only a reliable prop of imperialist
capitalism, but where the so-called anarcho-syndicalist organization
also was actually under the control of the imperialist government.
The secretary of this organization, Sneevliet, in spite of his
Platonic sympathies for the Fourth International was as deputy in the
Dutch Parliament most concerned lest the wrath of the government
descend upon his trade union organization.
(clip)
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