No subject

bombers the timing was perfect to cause the most damage and havoc. All the
places targeted were in the over-crowded, shopping and commercial areas,
tourist-oriented spots, mainly residential areas, and the temple areas of
Chandpol, Johri Bazaar and Tripolia where, being a Tuesday, there was a goo=
d
crowd of devotees plus lines of beggars and destitute who get fed by the
temples. To make matters worse, it was also the rush hour, and roads were
packed with a profusion of pedestrians and vehicles. The colourful confusio=
n of
Jaipur=92s congested markets which is a great attraction to both foreign an=
d
Indian tourists was at its height. At the end of the day, there were 65 dea=
d
and 280 wounded. Many of the residents, survivors still complain of hearing
defects from the deafening explosions. =20

 =A0=20

Both the Communist Party of
India (Marxist Leninist) [CPI (ML)] and All India Progressive Women=92s
Association (AIPWA) were active and helped collect one lakh (100, 000) rupe=
es
which was donated to the poor victims of the blasts that were hospitalised.=
 One
was struck by the reaction of people in Jaipur who, from the humble ricksha=
wala,
vendor and flower-seller to the rich trading communities, intellectuals,
teachers, lawyers as, one and all, they have come forward, without being as=
ked,
to help in whatever way they could. Immediately after the blasts, people ru=
shed
into action. The wounded were immediately taken to the hospital by rickshaw
pullers, on cycles, scooters and whatever was handy. Many groups of citizen=
s
immediately started collecting fruit, food and drinking water so that the
patients and their families did not go thirsty or hungry. Hundreds of blood
donors rushed forward. The first to donate blood were the Muslims who donat=
ed
so much that they met almost the full demand. The lawyers also came forward=
 in
hundreds to donate blood as did the employees of the state roadways departm=
ent,
a motorcycle club and hundreds of individuals. =20

 =A0=20

We are also heartened by the
mood in the old city. While many are mourning the loss of loved ones, there=
 is
no communal tension. Many Hindutva forces tried to raise anti-Muslim slogan=
s
both in some residential areas in the affected city and in the hospital whe=
re
the victims were being treated. They were swiftly dealt with by the local
residents, both Hindu and Muslim, and speedily sent on their way. =20

 =A0=20

All this is even more amazing
when seen in the light of how the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government an=
d
Hindutva forces have been working overtime for several years to spread
anti-Muslim sentiments throughout Rajasthan, saffronising textbooks to pain=
t
Muslims as traitors, encouraging ghettoisation of Muslims and taking lesson=
s
from Modi=92s Gujarat . Although it is early days
yet, it is remarkable that Rajasthan has not burst into a communal
conflagration. Forces in Jodhpur , Ajmer , Kota=20
and elsewhere tried to light the communal fire but failed.=20

=A0=20

But the blame game between the
BJP government in the state and the Congress at the Centre has begun with e=
ach
holding the other responsible for lack of warning, information etc. The BJP=
 is
also desperate to find the culprits especially after their bungling the Ajm=
er bomb blast
investigation last year where they are still to trace or arrest the culprit=
s.
They are busy harassing innocent =91Bangladeshis=92, who are very poor and =
work as
rag pickers or unskilled labour but happen to be Muslim, in their frantic
attempt to make arrests. They are also threatening them with deportation ev=
en
though these =91Bangladeshis=92 have ration and voter identity cards and sw=
ear they
are from West Bengal and are also wooed for their votes by every party! Dem=
ocratic
forces in Jaipur are vigilant, refusing to allow the blasts to provide a
pretext for the Sangh Parivar=92s and BJP Government=92s communal agenda.=
=20



 =A0=20



Struggles in India



Women=92s Assertion Rally by AIPWA in Patna



- Liberation, July, 2008. =20


The Bihar=20
unit of All India Progressive Women=92s Association (AIPWA) organised an im=
pressive
rally on 30th May consisting of large number of women demanding to rein in =
the
growing incidents of victimisation and rapes of women in the State. Despite=
 the
scorching sun, women came in thousands from various corners of Bihar to par=
ticipate in the rally. Stopped by police
barricades, and told that the chief minister (CM) would not meet them, the
rallyists held a spirited protest meeting. The march was led by AIPWA Natio=
nal
Secretary Meena Tiwary, State President and Secretary Saroj Chaube and Shas=
hi
Yadav and others.=20

=A0=20

Addressing the mass meeting
the speakers said that the projects for women=92s empowerment in Bihar have=
 proved to be a damp squib. They expressed deep
resentment and anger at the rising graph of assaults on women=92s life and =
cases
of rape, saying that even women=92s dignity is not guaranteed in the State.=
 Among
the main demands addressed to the CM in a memorandum are: holding the
administration and police accountable for the incidents of victimisation an=
d
rape of women, increasing the number of primary schools for girls=92 educat=
ion,
stopping distribution of licenses to liquor shops in the name of excise tax
collection, declaring Asha and Aanganbadi workers as govt. employees and fi=
xing
a minimum of Rs.5000/- for the Asha workers. On the occasion AIPWA also
released a booklet titled =93Women=92s victimisation in Nitish rule =96 an =
open
letter to Chief Minister: Governmental claims vs. ground realities=94 =20



 =A0=20



Elections in India



Karnataka Assembly Elections 2008:=20

Congress- JD (S) -Opportunism Paves the Way for
BJP=92s Rise to Power

 =A0

- N. Divakar, Liberation, July, 2008.=20

 =A0=20

Within a week after assuming
power in Karnataka, the communal fascist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has co=
me
out in its true colours by killing four and injuring many innocent farmers =
who
protested by demanding seeds and fertilizers at Haveri. Instead of coming d=
own
heavily on corporate and multinational houses that refused to supply the mu=
ch
needed inputs inspite of pocketing heavy subsidies, the killer BJP governme=
nt
has fired bullets on innocent farmers. With this incident, the BJP has made=
 its
class position obvious against small and marginal farmers who are the worst
sufferers wanting inputs for the already crisis-ridden cultivation. Perhaps=
,
the BJP did mean =91development=92 =96 at the graveyards of small and margi=
nal
farmers and the rural poor. The incident of police firing at Haveri is a me=
re
taste of the repressive BJP tenure to come.=20

 =A0=20

BJP=92s victory in Karnataka
assembly elections =96 2008 is not a surge of saffron but a failure of the =
United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) model of soft Hindutva to halt the communal and
neo-liberal BJP. It is also a rejection of the opportunist Janata Dal (Secu=
lar)
[JD (S)] variety of =91secularism=92. The UPA model of governance and allia=
nce has
failed to halt the progress of Hindutva forces all over the country and
Karnataka has also witnessed the same pattern.=20

 =A0=20

Like most other poll outcomes
in recent period, the Karnataka result too reveals the people=92s anger aga=
inst
the raging agrarian crisis and spiralling prices, both of which are direct
offshoots of the neo-liberal policies being implemented by the UPA and in t=
his
regard the UPA has proved to be perfect successor of the National Democrati=
c
Alliance (NDA). In the absence of any credible democratic alternative, peop=
le
voted for BJP which was not in power in the state independently so far. BJP=
 won
not because of its assertion of communal brand of politics, not because of =
any
one national issue but because of a combination of both =91national=92 and =
=91local=92
factors.=20

=A0=20

The BJP=92s rise in Karnataka
has been a steady process spread over the last two decades. In 1983, the BJ=
P
had 18 members in the Karnataka state assembly; went down to 2 in 1985; aga=
in
rose to 4 in 1989 and saw a phenomenal increase to 40 in 1994. Since then, =
it
has steadily increased its tally - 44 in 1999, 79 in last elections in 2004=
 and
110 in 2008. Karnataka has witnessed various avatars of Sangh Parivar outfi=
ts
from the days of Jan Sangh right up to the BJP. On the face of it, the BJP
victory has been won on the plank of development, anti-price rise and
stability, but the BJP=92s politics of communal propaganda and communal vio=
lence
has obviously played a catalytic role. The party has systematically exploit=
ed
the Idgah Maidan issue in Hubli and Baba Budangiri issue in Chikmagalur, an=
d
has engineered anti-Muslim riots in Mangalore and Bangalore on various occa=
sions. Having struck
roots in the state, the BJP now seeks to conceal its communal colours behin=
d
the garb of =91social engineering=92, pro-farmer postures and advocacy of
=91development=92.=20

 =A0=20

The Assembly elections have
also indicated a certain realignment of social and political forces in the
state. The moot point is the shift in a section of hitherto vote banks of
established parties, viz., Dalits and Vokkaligas, and the BJP=92s victory i=
n
Malnad region which is claimed to have been the region of Left influence, a=
nd
also in most backward districts like Bellary .
BJP has secured more seats in Malnad region because of its communal politic=
s,
whipping up communal frenzy centering on the Baba Budangiri issue. Its vict=
ory
in coastal districts too can well be attributed to communal clashes and the
extremely active Sangh Parivar outfits. But, its victory in Bangalore is ma=
inly because of its success in
convincing middle classes and the elite about its =91commitment to developm=
ent=92.
The BJP has secured 17 seats out of 28 in Bangalore=20
urban areas. This is an indication that the elitist section of middle class
that benefited out of liberalisation policies has lent a much needed helpin=
g
hand to the BJP in the metro city. Likewise, aggressive sections of real es=
tate
and mining mafia have also played a decisive role in the victory of the BJP=
,
even though the backing of the mining mafia is equally enjoyed by other
bourgeois parties like the Congress and JD (S). It is an assertion of mafia=
,
the lumpen variety of bourgeoisie, and an offshoot of the process of
liberalisation. The entire industry sector has faced a decline in recent mo=
nths
with the exception of the mining sector, which has, contrary to the general
pattern, witnessed tremendous growth.=20

 =A0=20

Its victory in the Hyderabad
Karnataka region is mainly because of the people=92s anger against the extr=
eme
backwardness in the region, and the generous supply of money and muscle to =
BJP
by the mining mafias. The pattern is amply evident in the BJP=92s victory o=
f 7
out of 9 seats, most of which are reserved (ST) seats, in Bellary region. I=
ts victory in Harapanahalli
is a case in point, where Karunakar Reddy, a powerful mining mafia leader, =
was
the candidate. Notes of the denomination of Rs. 500 and Rs.1000 were not on=
ly
delivered at the doorsteps of voters but were literally flying in the air i=
n
this drought-ridden, most backward constituency. The fact that neither the
Dalit parties (including the Bahujan Samaj Party [BSP]) nor the Left forces
were effective in channelising the discontent brewing among Dalits and othe=
r
downtrodden is a warning signal for progressive forces in the state. The BJ=
P
has won 22 out of 36 seats reserved for scheduled castes (SCs) against 10 b=
y
the Congress and 7 out of 16 seats reserved for scheduled tribes (STs). Pro=
f.
Assadi says that most of the reserved seats that BJP won are from Lingayat
dominated areas, which means that the dominant community of Lingayats has
supported Dalit candidates for the victory of the BJP. Dalits have by and l=
arge
backed the BJP in this election with the Bahajun Samaj Party (BSP) hardly
succeeding in making an inroad. It managed to finish second only in two
constituencies, that too mainly because of locally popular candidates.=20

 =A0=20

At the same time, it=92s also a
lesson for the progressive forces in the state that are not yet successful =
in
mobilising and asserting the agenda of the poor and the downtrodden. This i=
s
evident from the performance of Left forces, including the new platform of
Sarvodaya Party. Perhaps, the Sarvodaya platform of Dalit and farmers
organisations paid a heavy price for adopting a soft approach towards the
Congress. In fact, they declared open support to the Congress in constituen=
cies
where they were not in the fray.=20

=A0=20

Performance of all Left
parties are almost similar barring the Communist Party of India-Marxist [CP=
I (M)]=92s
performance in one seat where though they lost their MLA they secured more =
than
30000 votes and became the runner-up. In all other constituencies, maximum
number of votes that the Left could secure was only around 10,000. The
Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist [CPI (ML)] polled nearly 7,000 vo=
tes
in the SC reserved seat of Kanakagiri and polled nearly 2000 and 1000 in tw=
o ST
reserved seats. =20

=A0=20

Overall, the BJP has tasted
victory by emerging as a party of dominant castes, Lingayats and Brahmins w=
hile
winning the support of elitist sections of the middle class and the aggress=
ive
backing of the money- and muscle-power of the lumpen bourgeoisie represente=
d by
real estate and mining mafia. Its main success lies in tilting the balance =
in
its favour by engineering a divide among certain sections - Vokkaligas and
Dalits that were hitherto interchangeable social base of the Congress and D=
alit
parties. With the BJP coming to power, the degeneration of Lohiaite, social=
ist
influence and also the influence of the much acclaimed Dalit movement in th=
e
state has come a full circle. With communal fascism in state power, the pol=
ity
has offered an excellent opportunity for the Left, democratic and progressi=
ve
forces to wage a direct battle against the forces of obscurantism and of th=
e
status quo. It is for the progressive forces to grab the opportunity withou=
t
displaying any vacillation towards the so-called =91secular=92 potential of=
 the
Congress and the JD(S). =20



 =A0=20



Elections in India=20

 =A0=20

Message
from West Bengal Panchayat Polls =20

 =A0=20

- Liberation, July, 2008.=20

 =A0=20



The arrogant
Communist Party of India-Marxist [CPI (M)] leadership in West
 Bengal had predicted that the panchayat election in the state
would serve as a referendum on the state government=92s =91industrialisatio=
n=92
programme. The word =91industrialisation=92 for them is, of course, only a
euphemism for everything they have done to suppress the people=92s voice in=
, and
over, Singur and Nandigram. The poll results are now here for everyone to s=
ee. =20

 =A0=20

The CPI (M) has
faced a veritable rout in East Midnapore , the
district Nandigram is in. The party has also lost as badly in Singur in Hoo=
ghly district. For the first time in thirty years the
party has lost control over four district councils and its control over two
more district councils is clearly tenuous. More significantly, the grip of =
the
party has become considerably weaker in the two lower rungs of the panchaya=
t
hierarchy almost all over the state. Far from endorsing the =91Brand Buddha
strategy of industrialisation=92, the poll results have once again echoed t=
he
slogan =93amaar gram, tomaar gram =96 Nandigram, Nandigram=94 (My village i=
s
Nandigram, your village is Nandigram), and that in the face of relentless
violence, intimidation and manipulation.=20

 =A0=20

The media spotlight
is understandably on Nandigram and the issue of land acquisition. But the r=
eal
story is indeed much bigger and deeper. The agrarian and livelihood crisis =
that
pervades much of rural India=20
is quite acute in rural Bengal as well. Here
too, the below poverty line (BPL) list has become an opportunity for exclud=
ing
the poor and rewarding the supporters of the ruling party. Implementation o=
f
National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) is riddled with holes that =
deny
the deserving people the promised =91employment guarantee=92 and minimum wa=
ges, but
fill the coffers for the nexus of the rich and powerful that lords over the
countryside. The public distribution system is known no longer for supply o=
f
subsidised foodgrains to the poor but for pilferage and profiteering by a
corrupt dealer-leader-babu(bureaucracy) chain. And with the government push=
ing
for reverse reforms, every sixth person who had once benefited from Operati=
on
Barga and land redistribution has already been deprived of his/her gains an=
d
rights. =20

 =A0=20

Compounding the
economic miseries of the people and the gaping holes and leaks of the deliv=
ery
system is the atmosphere of institutionalised terror, domination and corrup=
tion
that has now become the most hated hallmark of the three-decade-old CPI (M)
rule in West Bengal . Nandigram is only the
most horrifying symbol of this rot. The serial massacres and rapes did not
happen just on the issue of land acquisition =96 they were the CPI (M)=92s =
way of
stopping a people from having their legitimate say. Viewed from the angle o=
f
the protesting people of Nandigram, the killings and rapes were the price t=
hey
had to pay for having their say. =20

 =A0=20

A mere statistical
summary of the panchayat results does not convey the real political import =
of
the developments in West Bengal .
Statistically, the CPI (M) still controls all but mere four districts of th=
e
state. A little erosion here and a little dent there after thirty years of
uninterrupted rule may appear quite =91normal=92. But those who have been c=
losely
observing the social and political dynamics of West Bengal=20
have no difficulty in recognising the great change that has taken place. Th=
e
rural poor have revolted in a big way. Nandigram was one expression of that
revolt, the ration =91riots=92 were another link in that chain and now the
panchayat polls have provided a third major glimpse of the same simmering
revolt. =20

 =A0=20

The CPI (M) may well
see the result as further =91confirmation=92 of a grand =91conspiracy=92 ag=
ainst its
rule =96 a grand coalition of the =91Ultra Left=92 and the =91Ultra Right =
=91with the
civil society jumping in, as =91analysed=92 by the party=92s recent Coimbat=
ore
Congress. Their ideologues will doubtless treat us with profound bits of
=91analysis=92 on the coming together of the old enemies of land reform and=
 the new
enemies of industrialisation. And the fact that the Congress =96 whether of=
 the
Trinamool variety or the good old non-Trinamool variety =96 has emerged as =
the
biggest beneficiary of the anti-CPI (M) revolt will surely prompt it to sha=
rpen
its anti-=91reactionary=92 rhetoric. Ironically, however, while the panchay=
at votes
were being counted in Bengal, top CPI (M) leaders in Delhi were busy celebr=
ating the fourth
anniversary of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) in the company of Soni=
a
Gandhi and Manmohan Singh. =20

 =A0=20

Reactionary
rightwing forces in Bengal as well as
elsewhere will definitely try to utilise the emerging political situation i=
n the
state as best as they can. But any serious analysis of the Bengal=20
developments should begin with a critical look at the strategy and tactics =
of
the CPI (M) itself. At one point of time the CPI (M) was known as the party
which had established =91panchayat raj=92 in West Bengal ;
today it is accused of imposing a =91cadre raj=92 on the people. The rural =
poor,
for long the main support base of the party, are giving vent to their pent-=
up
sense of betrayal and alienation. And if Muslims in West Bengal are also se=
en
turning away from the CPI(M), it is not as though they have suddenly develo=
ped
some new fondness for the Congress or the Trinamool Congress (TMC), which i=
s
till date a constituent of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), or becau=
se
the Sachhar Committee Report has revealed their miserable socio-economic
plight. It is primarily because the CPI (M) too has begun treating the
community and its concerns much the same way as other ruling parties do. =
=20

 =A0=20

We must understand
that the panchayat vote in Bengal has not been
for the TMC or the Congress, it has been against the CPI (M)=92s wrong poli=
cies
and priorities and the increasingly corrupt and undemocratic nature of its
governance. And the motive force behind this change is not the traditional
social base of the Congress, but the aggrieved and alienated social base of=
 the
communists. It is only through a sincere, firm and close integration with t=
he
rural poor that the Left can be rejuvenated and rebuilt in West Bengal and =
the
CPI (ML) is determined to do all it can to realise this challenge.=20

 =A0=20



Culture



Homage to Vijay Tendulkar



- Liberation, July, 2008.=20



 =A0=20

Noted progressive
playwright Vijay Tendulkar passed away on May 19 2008 at the age of 80
following a protracted illness. =20

 =A0=20

Tendulkar
revolutionised Marathi theatre with his ruthless exploration of social and
political issues. His plays were a weapon to change society and challenge a=
ll
hidebound ideas and injustices. They exploded the hypocrisies of polite
society, broke new ground in their treatment of gender issues, and evolved =
a
fresh genre of political satire full of vitality and contemporary meaning.=
=A0 =20

 =A0=20

=91Shrimant=92 (1956)
jolted the conservative audience of the times with its portrayal of an
unmarried young woman who decides to keep her unborn child while her rich f=
ather
tries to "buy" her a husband in an attempt to save his social
prestige. =91Shantata! Court Chalu Aahe=92 ("Silence! The Court Is In
Session", which went on stage in 1967) was a remarkable comment on the
double standards of society towards women. =91Sakharam Binder=92 (1972) exp=
lored
the different implications of unconventional lifestyles for men and women, =
and
faced accusations of =91obscenity=92. =20

 =A0=20

=91Ghasiram Kotwal=92
(1972), based on the life of Nana Phadnavis (1741-1800), the prime minister=
 in
the court of the Peshwas, was a fearless satire on the rise of the Shiv Sen=
a,
and was met with violent attacks by political opponents. Tendulkar never lo=
st
that fearless voice against communal fascism: after the Gujarat=20
genocide he raised the same bold voice against Narendra Modi. =20

 =A0=20

Tendulkar=92s writing
always retained its sharp and unsparing eye for the exploitative and
hypocritical attitudes in society towards women and sexuality. In Kamala, h=
e
took the real-life story of a journalist who bought a woman in the rural se=
x
trade to expose the police and political powers involved; only to abandon h=
er
once his purpose was served. His =91Mitrachi Goshta=92 took up a theme insp=
ired by
the real-life story of an actress whose career was ruined after her same-se=
x
affair became public knowledge.=A0 =20

 =A0=20

Tendulkar also
turned his pen to writing scripts for cinema and left his mark there too - =
with
stark social commentaries like Manthan, Nishant, Aakrosh and Ardh Satya in
Hindi and Samana, Simhasan and Umbartha in Marathi.=A0 =20

 =A0=20

Tendulkar=92s plays
never maintained an artificial separation between society and the stage: hi=
s
theatre spilled on to the streets while the streets resonated in his plays.=
 The
curtain has fallen on his life: but his work lives in the hearts of all tho=
se
who seek the vital link between literature and lived life.=20

 =A0=20




=0A=0A=0A