[Marxism] A clarification of my view of Kosova independence and Kosova "independence"

[Louis Proyect]

At 07:23 PM 2/25/2008, you wrote:
>Louis Proyect:
>
> > My main interest in Kosovo after NATO's victory was calling attention to
> > the persecution of Serbs and Roma. Too bad that you could find no
> > coverage about that in Green Left.
>
>Dearie me Louis, I thought you might have learnt to fact check after you
>claimed last year there has never ever ever been any coverage at all of
>Croatian chauvinism in GLW, lecturing us with some mainstream media article
>article from 1995, and soon after I could give the list 10 examples of GL
>reporting on and condemning Croatian chauvinism, starting from 1992.

By 1992, the facts on the ground had already given Croatia what it 
wanted. But in 1991, you were publishing pure unadulterated Croatian 
nationalist tripe like this. It may not have been the words of a DSP 
member, but any fool would understand that you agreed with them. 
That's how politics works.

Issue #741
Behind the war against Croatia
11 December 1991

The following is an abridged text of a talk given to a public meeting 
in Melbourne on November 21 by KATHY BROZOVIC, a member of the 
Croatian Coordinating Committee and the Croatian Feminist Movement.

The war in Croatia is being waged by the Serbian regime of Slobodan 
Milosevic and the so-called Yugoslav Federal Army of generals 
Kadijevic and Raseta, against the Croatian Republic and its people.

Milosevic, Kadijevic and Raseta argue that the invasion of Croatia -- 
the destruction of cities, towns and villages and the brutal attacks 
on the civilian population -- is for the protection of the Serbian 
minority in Croatia. This ignores the reality of the Croatian 
constitution, the charter on human rights and the charter on the 
rights of Serbs and other ethnic minorities in Croatia. This argument 
is only a screen to hide the real agenda of Milosevic and the Serbian generals.

The war against Croatia is a war by the oppressor against the 
oppressed. It is an attempt to crush the desire of the Croatian 
people for self-determination and to provide all the other republics 
and minorities in the former Yugoslavia with an example of what to 
expect should they rise up against the regime in Belgrade.

It is an attempt to maintain former Yugoslavia and to create a 
Greater Serbia. It is an attempt to maintain a centralist, repressive 
regime controlled by Belgrade in which the power and privileges of 
the Serbian-dominated bureaucracy and military would be preserved.

Three fronts

The war against Croatia is being fought on several fronts.

On the military front we have seen:

     * the indiscriminate bombardment of Croatian cities, towns and 
villages from land, sea and air;

     * the destruction of civilian targets including homes, schools, 
hospitals, churches, factories and cultural monuments;

     * the blockading and destruction of roads, bridges and ports;

     * the blockading of power, water, food and medical supplies.

What hasn't been shown on our television sets is the forced clearing 
and evacuation of towns and villages, followed by looting, torture, 
rape and murder carried out by the Chetnik Serbian extremists, who 
are backed by the federal army.

The second front is the war of political propaganda centred on:

     * misinformation about the rights of minorities in Croatia;

     * portrayal of the Croatian people and their and Ustasha;

     * the representation of the Croatian defence forces as illegal 
paramilitary units;

     * the representation of the Croatian and Slovenian republics as 
unreasonable secessionists who are unwilling to negotiate;

     * a regurgitation of distorted facts about World War II.

What is less obvious, however, is the subtle war of diplomacy, which 
constitutes a third front in the conflict. Involved here is the 
protection of foreign interests in "Yugoslavia" and the preservation 
of colonialism. "Yugoslavia" is a test case for the imperialist 
powers as they try to create their New World Order and maintain their 
domination of the globe.

Background

The Croatian and Serbian people have for centuries been distinct and 
different cultures and nations which have coexisted in the same 
region, often peacefully. Both nations have been subjected to the 
domination of foreign powers.

For a long time Croatia was occupied by the Austro-Hungarian empire, 
while Serbia was dominated by the Ottoman Turks. But throughout these 
periods, both peoples maintained their own cultural identities.

Following World War I there was an unsuccessful attempt to unify the 
so-called South Slavs through the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and 
Slovenes. This attempt failed because it was primarily based on one 
nation -- Serbia -- dominating the others. This domination and 
subsequent repression led to growing disenchantment amongst the 
Croatian people prior to World War II.

In 1941 the opportunist Ante Pavelic proclaimed the Independent State 
of Croatia and received backing from the Axis powers. Pavelic and his 
Ustasha regime were in fact puppets of fascist Germany and Italy.

The Pavelic regime was neither democratically elected nor politically 
supported by the majority of the Croatian people. This is evidenced 
by the fact that Croatia had a large anti-fascist movement during 
this period. In fact, over 40% of all partisans in Yugoslavia during 
World War II were Croats.

The Pavelic regime and its secret police committed atrocities, not 
only against Serbs, Jews and Gypsies, but also against Croatians who 
opposed them.

Other atrocities also occurred during this period -- atrocities which 
are not always spoken about but of which it is crucial to be aware.

In Serbia, the Serbian partisans were at war with the Chetniks. As 
today, the Chetniks were monarchists, committed to the creation of a 
Greater Serbia, headed by King Petar Karadjordjevic. Remnants of this 
royal family still live in London, waiting for their return to the

The Chetniks were supported by Mussolini. Just as the Ustasha, the 
Chetniks were an extreme nationalist movement, backed by fascism, 
with a history of committing atrocities against Jews, Gypsies, Croats 
and even Serbian people who opposed their ideas.

Tito's government

Following the war, with the agreement signed by Roosevelt, Churchill 
and Stalin, Yugoslavia became a buffer zone between the eastern and 
western blocs. But after Tito's split with Stalin in 1948, Yugoslavia 
turned more and more to the United States, Britain and western 
Europe, becoming relatively prosperous through the foreign aid, 
investments and loans which these countries bestowed upon it.

While some parts of the Australian left romantically viewed 
Yugoslavia under Tito as a model socialist state, the reality was 
that this supposed melting pot of the South Slavs meant a denial of 
cultural expression and language, numerous human rights violations 
and an increasingly bureaucratised economic and political system. 
Yugoslavia under Tito was a repressive regime not only for the Croats 
but for other non-Serbian ethnic groups as well -- hence the massive 
migration out of Yugoslavia after World War II, especially after 1968.

Paralleling the movement for reform in Czechoslovakia in 1968, 
Croatian dissatisfaction during this period led to a massive upsurge 
-- the Croatian Spring. This movement of students, workers and 
intellectuals called for reforms and greater powers for each of the 
republics within Yugoslavia. The Croatian Spring failed to achieve 
its aims, and many of its leaders were subsequently imprisoned or executed.

In 1974 some reforms did finally occur, and a new Yugoslav 
constitution was adopted. This guaranteed greater powers to the six 
republics and to the two autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and 
Kosovo. It also established a Territorial Defence Force in each 
republic, accountable to the republic.

After Tito's death in 1978, a rotating presidency was established, 
with all republics and provinces represented. Each member took a turn 
at presiding over the federation for a one-year term, until this 
process was completely frustrated by the Serbian bloc against 
Croatia's Stipe Mesic in 1991.

Uprising in Kosovo

In 1980 came the beginning of the Albanian uprising in Kosovo. Soon 
afterwards, signs of Serbian nationalism began to emerge as anger 
against the Albanian population began to grow, particularly in Serbia 
itself. The uprising continued to expand as students, workers, 
intellectuals and ordinary people repeatedly took to the streets.

Thus it was that the emergence in 1987 of the chauvinist Slobodan 
Milosevic as the leader who would solve the Kosovan crisis was 
welcomed by many Serbian people.

The brutality used to crush the Kosovan uprising was applauded by 
Serbian nationalists and extremists. It was designed to show all the 
ssent and movements for reform would not be tolerated. In addition, 
Milosevic and the generals were confident of military backing from 
the hardline Soviet military. They also counted on the discreet 
political and economic support of the United States and its allies, 
which continued to pour money into Belgrade. The maintenance of the 
Yugoslav status quo was the primary objective of both superpowers at that time.

In September 1990, after the Kosovo parliament declared independence 
and complete autonomy from Serbia, an act was passed in the Serbian 
parliament to dissolve the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and 
Vojvodina. Both were annexed by Serbia and their parliaments reduced 
to local-government status. This action was in complete breach of the 
1974 constitution.

Most Kosovan representatives were arrested or fled into hiding, where 
they remain today. Meanwhile, Serbia kept the additional two 
positions it had gained on the federal presidency -- thereby, along 
with its long-time ally Montenegro, securing four of the eight voting 
positions for itself.

Defence Force disarmed

Some months earlier, the Croatian and Slovenian Communist Parties 
legalised the registration of other political parties in their 
respective republics, and announced general elections.

Prior to the conclusion of elections in Croatia, and in anticipation 
of a win by Franjo Tudjman's Croatian Democratic Union, the federal 
army undertook a complete disarmament of Croatia's Territorial 
Defence Force. At the same time, the Serbian-dominated federal army 
continued to provide direct assistance to extremist Chetnik agitators 
in the so-called Krajina in eastern Croatia, who were threatening to 
secede from Croatia by declaring an autonomous Serbian enclave which 
would be linked to Belgrade.

While Serbs constitute a majority in this part of Croatia, in fact 
only 26% of all Serbian people in Croatia live in this region; they 
amount to 3% of the total population of Croatia. The remaining 74% of 
Serbs in Croatia live across the republic and, on the whole, coexist 
quite peacefully with Croats and people from other ethnic minorities.

The new Croatian parliament and the new Croatian president, Franjo 
Tudjman, did not immediately set out on the road to secession. In an 
effort to maintain some form of cooperation, the republics of Croatia 
and Slovenia made numerous attempts to negotiate a confederation 
between all the republics in Yugoslavia. All these proposals were 
rejected by Serbia and Montenegro with their bloc of four votes on 
the federal presidency.

As a result, both Slovenia and Croatia held referendums of their 
populations. In Croatia over 94% of the vote was for independence. On 
June 26, the Croatian and Slovenian parliaments declared their 
sovereignty and independence, along with their intention to negotiate 
a withdrawal from Yugoslavia. This was met with an escalation of 
violence by the Chetniks in Croatia backed by the federal army, along 
with the military onslaught on Slovenia.

Hidden players

Earlier this year, the US secretary of state, James Baker, visited 
Belgrade for discussions with Milosevic. Baker stated clearly that 
neither he nor the US supported the break-up of Yugoslavia. This was 
a very clear message to Milosevic: go for it!

In July the European Community insisted on a three-month moratorium 
on the Slovenian and Croatian declarations of independence, claiming 
that secession had to be negotiated in order to prevent bloodshed. 
The Slovenian and Croatian parliaments agreed. However, while the 
hostilities in Slovenia eventually ended, in Croatia they escalated.

At the same time, the United Nations imposed an arms embargo on 
"Yugoslavia" and claimed that it could not intervene in internal 
conflicts within the borders of a member state. This embargo ensured 
that no additional military equipment was imported into any of the republics.

The EC and its "peace negotiator," Lord Carrington, have all the 
while attempted to negotiate cease-fires and agreements in an effort 
to preserve Yugoslavia at all costs. Yet all these peace agreements 
have so far failed completely.

All they have achieved is to allow time for the Chetniks and the 
federal army to regroup, pick up the pieces and plan new, more 
devastating attacks on an exhausted, poorly equipped, Croatian 
Defence Force (or national guard).

In recent weeks further economic sanctions have been imposed, 
including a supposed oil embargo. These apply to all of "Yugoslavia", 
but they will particularly affect those republics deemed to be 
uncooperative in the peace negotiations.

To put western policy in the region into sharp focus, the following 
questions should be asked:

     * Who benefited from Baker's visit to Belgrade and his declaration there?

     * Who benefited from the three-month moratorium on the 
independence declarations of Slovenia and Croatia?

     * Who benefits from the arms embargo on "Yugoslavia" when the 
federal army is the world's ninth military power and when Yugoslavia 
is a significant arms producer and exporter?

     * Who benefited from the 13 broken cease-fire agreements and who 
is daily trying to capture more and more Croatian territory and 
inflict more destruction and casualties on Croatia?

It is no coincidence that the US government was silent on the war in 
Croatia until the massive bombardment of Dubrovnik and its old city: 
only then did it express token outrage at the destruction of the 
"world's cultural heritage".

It is no coincidence that this war began prior to the renegotiation 
of the NATO pact, at a time when the Soviet Union and the other 
eastern European countries were no longer perceived as a threat to 
the west, and at a time when France and Germany were discussing the a 
new EC defence force. It is no coincidence that the US and even the 
EC were silent on the issue of sanctions until after the NATO pact 
was redrawn and the US military presence in the region maintained.

It is also no coincidence that neither the EC nor the US has given 
recognition to Slovenia or Croatia despite claiming to be the 
champions of democracy. The EC and the US want to maintain some form 
of "Yugoslavia" and are opposed to the creation of new sovereign states.

There are two key reasons for this stand. Firstly, the World Bank and 
the International Monetary Fund have a lot of money invested in 
Yugoslavia. Who will repay this debt if Yugoslavia falls apart?

Secondly, the histories of the US, Britain and many other European 
countries are histories of colonisation. The break-up of 
Serbian-dominated Yugoslavia would open a whole new set of debates 
for the west. Northern Ireland, the Basque country, Kanaky are cases 
in point. There are many more instances where people are struggling 
for the right to self-determination and freedom from foreign domination.

A just struggle

The struggle of the Croatian people for self-determination is a just 
one. But I fear that before genuine peace and justice is achieved, a 
lot worse is likely to come. The situation in Bosnia-Hercegovina is 
ready to explode, and Croatia's fate awaits our neighbours in 
Macedonia, Kosovo, Vojvodina and even in Sandzak.

Last night on the SBS world news I watched footage of the so-called 
liberators of Vukovar marching through the town carrying their black 
skull-and-crossbones flag. The commentator said they were soldiers 
from the "Yugoslav federal army", but quite clearly they carried the 
Chetnik flag.

As they marched they sang: "Milsevicu donesi nam salate, bit ce mesa, 
klat ce mo Hrvate ..." In English this means: "Milosevic, bring us 
the salads; there'll be meat, we'll slaughter the Croats".

I ask you to do something to help stop this war and to bring about 
Croatia's recognition -- now!