No subject

that
Al Qaeda is a scapegoat, and that there is no real evidence of their =
role in
the assassination, as not only true (which is the fact) but also an =
overture
to Islamists who want to dump Musharraf, and they are many, to support =
the
PPP as the lesser evil. This seems like a realistic approach to me (the =
PPP
as the lesser evil, as well as the implicit solidarity against the =
murder of
Bhutto} -- not only for Islamists who are genuinely focused on opposing
imperialism, but for the oppressed and exploited in Pakistan in general.

In that sense, as well as on traditional Leninist grounds, I disagree =
(From
a distance which I agree will make my view of the elections seem =
irrelevant
to the PLP as well as  other Pakistanis) with the stance of the Pakistan
Labor Party, which has been suggesting a boycott of the elections, since
they are stacked against any progressive outcome.

One thing that I strongly disagree with in the Guardian article is the
suggestion that the electorate, not to mention the people as a whole, =
are
armed.

As far as I can see, the vast range of bosses in a bourgeois-feudal =
social
structure, are armed -- not the people and certainly not the =
"electorate."=20
The armed bosses of all kinds largely created the "electorate" in =
Pakistan,
where bourgeois democracy is still the music of the future, that is, if
ever.

I think  all these armed bodies of the bourgeois-feudal (including =
Islamist)
elite will divide sharply take place during coming social struggles, and
this may create an "armed people."  But that is not the case today.
Pakistan, in my opinion, is a situation of divisions among armed bosses, =
not
sn example of an armed people.
Fred Feldman=20




=20
www.guardian.co.uk


Families, guns and feuds: how Pakistan votes


One small town provides a snapshot of an electorate riven by tribal
infighting=20

Declan Walsh in Kashmore
Saturday January 5, 2008
The Guardian=20


The whirlwind of violent destruction triggered by Benazir Bhutto's death
lashed Kashmore, a cotton-farming town at the junction of Pakistan's =
three
largest provinces, particularly hard.
A frenzied mob tore through its narrow streets, plundering banks, =
torching
the hospital and trashing its telephone exchange. At the local station =
an
express train was held up and passengers watched their stolen =
possessions
being loaded into carts and tractors.

While one arm of the state burned, the other fled. Police hurriedly shed
their uniforms and melted into their houses. The town jail was cracked =
open,
allowing 85 criminals to escape, and the local judge had his home =
stripped
clean.


Article continues

"Can you believe it, they even took his washbasin," said district nazim, =
or
mayor, Saleem Jan Mazari. Across Sindh province as a whole losses are
estimated at more than =A3500m.
But another storm could be gathering. As the country struggles back to =
its
feet much delayed elections are looming, slated for February 18. They
promise to be turbulent, dirty and possibly violent.

The faultlines of Pakistan's complex power system can be seen in =
Kashmore,
where the provinces of Sindh, Baluchistan and Punjab meet. Here, tribe
counts as much as party and old rivalries lie close to the surface.

Campaigning has been overshadowed by vote-rigging claims from the
opposition, which fears that the local administration - led by Mazari - =
will
swing the result in favour of President Pervez Musharraf's party, =
Pakistan
Muslim League (Q).

"This is the vote-rigging capital of Pakistan," said Shehryar Mazari, =
the
candidate for Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party. "There hasn't been a =
proper
election here in 20 years. It's just a rubber stamp for the =
establishment."

Shehryar is the mayor's cousin and they grew up nearby as children. He =
said
he had been forced to run for office by Mazari tribe elders who had =
become
embarrassed by Jan's reputation.

Kashmore certainly has an unhappy electoral history. During the general
election in 2002 one polling station recorded a turnout of 313%. Others
scored 80% and 99%, against a national average of about 30%. "People =
were
rising from their graves and unborn children were vesting votes," said
Shehryar.

During a 2005 byelection abuses were so blatant that the national =
election
commission was forced to nullify the results and hold a new vote. But =
the
result was the same - the winning candidate was Jan's protege.

But the mayor dismissed the vote-rigging claims. "I wouldn't call it
rigging. But I think some people got a little over zealous," he said.

The former army officer has dominated politics in Kashmore for 22 years. =
His
photo beams from a billboard on the edge of the town. As mayor he =
controls
the police, schools and a large budget. Allies have become wealthy under =
his
tenure.

He is also close to Pakistan's rulers. He invited the former prime =
minister,
Shaukat Aziz, to fight the coming election in Kashmore. Aziz later =
pulled
out and Jan is now supporting a candidate from the ruling party.

Rivals accuse Jan of winning power through unconventional tactics. In
previous polls his supporters seized control of polling stations, beat =
up
rival officials, bribed polling staff and intimidated voters, said =
Shehryar.

Jan denies the claims: "I am only one man with one vote. How do you =
expect
me to manage 162 polling stations? It's not humanly possible."

Shehryar, an urbane Karachi resident who joined Bhutto's party only a =
month
ago, said: "I have come to cleanse the family name. My elders are upset =
at
the fact that it has been damaged."

Jan said the plot to unseat him "only reflects the narrow-mindedness" of =
the
elders. "I don't believe in that tribal system any more. Polling day =
will
prove if I am a good Mazari or a bad one."

In the coming weeks similar dramas, fuelled by old rivalries and weak
central government, will be played out across Pakistan. Since Bhutto's
assassination tensions are high, and opposition parties accuse the =
powerful
intelligence apparatus of interference.

In 1996 a former army chief testified in court that he gave Pakistan's =
Inter
Services Intelligence several million pounds to influence the 1990 =
election.
Before she was killed Bhutto compiled a 160-page dossier that she =
claimed
showed the spies intend to swing the poll this time in favour of =
Musharraf.

The president says the fears are overblown. "The system is inherently =
fair
and transparent. I have no reason to believe there will be any rigging," =
he
told reporters on Thursday.

In Kashmore the tribally divided electorate is heavily armed. Five =
people
were killed in shootouts between armed political workers and soldiers =
during
the 1990 elections. The rival Mazari factions will be armed again this =
year.
With a combination of weapons, old rivalries and vote rigging, the =
elections
could prove a combustible mix.

Riaz Mazari, another cousin campaigning against Jan, called for the army =
to
be deployed at polling stations. "We need neutral officers. Otherwise
violence and bloodshed are a certainty," he said. "We are ready to =
resist."