M-TH: Stages and permanent revolution
Chris Burford
cburford at gn.apc.org
Sun Apr 13 02:19:38 MDT 1997
ReL Lenin's Letters on Tactics April 1917
Hugh wrote:
>>
Quite right, Joern, and it's a shame you didn't develop the way in which
these letters actually argued for the living reality of the Russian
revolution having superseded the old formula of first the rule of the
bourgeoisie and only then the rule of the proletariat, and in fact
substantiated the theory of the permanent revolution in which the
transition from absolutist rule to proletarian rule by-passing the
bourgeoisie (which had become totally impotent in terms of leading any kind
of revolution -- anti-feudal, democratic or anything else remotely
progressive) is not only possible but in fact the only alternative if a
revolution is to succeed in overthrowing capitalism and bourgeois rule.
<<
I would not chide Jorn for failing to develop the argument: it was
quite valuable enough in a brief post to give the reference to what
I agree is an extremely interesting article, highly relevant for
our endless polemics and also the actual situation in the world today.
As far as references are concerned can I repeat a plea I have made
a number of times that people give the dates of articles as we all
have different editions?
I think the internet is a powerful tool against dogmatism because no
sooner is it possible to track down a reference than it becomes
necessary to read it in context and try to understand what the
author was actually trying to say.
Now theoretically the article is a major blow against dogmatism and
repeats Marx and Engel's famous formula that "Our teaching is not
a dogma, but a guide to action". Concerning the colour imagery of
Goethe, Lenin extends the image and insists on "understanding
the real situation, which is extraordinarily complicated, and at
least 'bichromatic'."
In case future polemics confuse the issue I will say I do not
agree entirely with Lenin's argument, but I would like to take up
Hugh's point and challenge Trotsky influenced persons on the use
of this article to justify what comes over to me as a slogan
of "permanent revolution". The thrust of Lenin's article is to
criticise a monochromatic and rigid interpretation of stages. It is
not to dispense with the concept of stages altogether, in order to
substitute a monochromatic dogma of "permanent revolution".
In the article Lenin writes:
"But are we not in danger of falling into subjectivism, of
wanting to 'skip' over the bourgeois-democratic revolution -
which has not yet been completed and has not yet freed itself
of the peasant movement - directly to the socialist revolution?
I should be incurring this danger had I said: "No tsar,
but a *workers'* government'. But I did not say *that*;
I said something else."
At this point the editors interestingly think it helpful to
add a footnote. This is in the sixth volume of my twelve volume
"Lenin: Selected Works". The sixth volume is undated, but the
twelfth volume is dated 1938.
I would be grateful if Trotsky influenced contributors would
say whether they agree with this footnote, or be specific in
their criticism. Then perhaps we might get down to what
we are actually disagreeing about in the clash between
"stages theory" and "permanent revolution".
(What is the political significance of this today IMHO?
a) was the October Revolution an anomaly in a weak link,
that depended very much on the tactical brilliance of one
man, Lenin, and cannot be generalised in the world,
with total success.
b) what do we do with the mass of the population, 80% of
whom have petty bourgeois prejudices which present a
similar problem to the problem in Russia in 1917, where
80% of the population were peasants.)
I look forward to non-dogmatic but engaged comments.
The footnote:
"The slogan 'No tsar, but a workers' government' was put
forward in 1905 by Parvus, at that time a Social-Democrat
and Left Menshevik, and later served as the starting point
for Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution. As has been
stated in the note to p31 of the present volume, Lenin
in referring to this slogan dissociates himself from the
Trotskyists who ignored the peasant revolution against
the landlords."
Chris Burford
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