From Dogangoecmen@aol.com Fri Dec 15 03:48:09 2006 Received: from imo-m17.mx.aol.com ([64.12.138.207]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GvAbp-0002bk-BS for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 03:48:09 -0700 Received: from Dogangoecmen@aol.com by imo-m17.mx.aol.com (mail_out_v38_r7.6.) id w.52f.c1f81d1 (29673) for ; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 05:51:56 -0500 (EST) From: Dogangoecmen@aol.com Message-ID: <52f.c1f81d1.32b3d84a@aol.com> Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 05:51:54 EST To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu MIME-Version: 1.0 X-Mailer: 9.0 SE for Windows sub 5009 X-Spam-Flag: NO X-Mailman-Approved-At: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 07:29:37 -0700 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 X-Content-Filtered-By: Mailman/MimeDel 2.1.5 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Lenin and the legacy of classical German philosophy (German) X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 10:48:09 -0000 IApBbGxlcyBFaW5iaWxkdW5nPwpMZW5pbnMgZGlhbGVrdGlzY2hlcyBLb256ZXB0IGRlciBN YXRlcmlhbGl0w6R0IHN0ZWh0IGdlZ2VuIGRhcyB2b24gS2FudC4gIApWZXJtaXR0ZWx0IGR1 cmNoIEhlZ2VscyB1bmQgTWFyeGVucyBLcml0aWsgYW4gZGVyIEF1ZmZhc3N1bmcgZGVzIGts YXNzaXNjaGVuICAKUGhpbG9zb3BoZW4gc3RlaHQgZXMgZGVubm9jaCBpbiBkZXNzZW4gVHJh ZGl0aW9uCkRvZ2FuIEfDtsOnbWVuCgpMZW5pbiBnZWjDtnJ0IHp1IGplbmVyIEdlbmVyYXRp b24gbWFyeGlzdGlzY2hlciBQb2xpdGlrZXIsIGRpZSAgZWluZW4gCnVtZmFzc2VuZGVuIHBo aWxvc29waGlzY2hlbiB1bmQgaG9oZW4gd2lzc2Vuc2NoYWZ0bGljaGVuIEFuc3BydWNoIGhh dHRlbi4gIEdlb3JnIApMdWvDoWNzICgxODg14oCTMTk3MSkgYmV6ZWljaG5ldGUgaWhuIGFs cyBkZW4gwrtncsO2w590ZShuKSBEZW5rZXIgKC4uLikgc2VpdCAgTWFyeMKrMSB1bmQgCndp 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KSwgQmQuIEkgdW5kIElJLCAKIEZyYW5rZnVydCBhLiBNLiAxOTkzLCBCZC4gMSwgUy4gNTkg RnXDn25vdGUKRG9nYW4gR8O2w6dtZW4gaXN0IHdpc3NlbnNjaGFmdGxpY2hlciBNaXRhcmJl aXRlciBhbiBkZXIgVW5pdmVyc2l0eSBvZiAgTG9uZG9uIAp1bmQgTWl0Z2xpZWQgZGVzIFZv cnN0YW5kZXMgZGVyIMK7SW50ZXJuYXRpb25hbGVuIEdlc2VsbHNjaGFmdCBIZWdlbC1NYXJ4 ICBmw7xyIApEaWFsZWt0aXNjaGVzICBEZW5rZW7CqwoK From rasherrs@eircom.net Fri Dec 15 07:47:28 2006 Received: from mail17.svc.cra.dublin.eircom.net ([159.134.118.216]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with smtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GvELP-0003nG-Hx for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 07:47:28 -0700 Received: (qmail 15877 messnum 5065816 invoked from network[86.42.34.61/unknown]); 15 Dec 2006 14:51:16 -0000 Received: from unknown (HELO paddy) (86.42.34.61) by mail17.svc.cra.dublin.eircom.net (qp 15877) with SMTP; 15 Dec 2006 14:51:16 -0000 Message-ID: <004c01c72058$79353710$0601a8c0@paddy> From: "paddy" To: "Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marxand the thinkers he inspired" References: <52f.c1f81d1.32b3d84a@aol.com> Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 14:51:16 -0000 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed; charset="UTF-8"; reply-type=original Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit X-Priority: 3 X-MSMail-Priority: Normal X-Mailer: Microsoft Outlook Express 6.00.2900.2180 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.2180 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Robert Service X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: paddy , Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 14:47:28 -0000 Is Robert Services book on Lenin any good. Also the ones on Stalin and Russia. Paddy Hackett ----- Original Message ----- From: To: Sent: Friday, December 15, 2006 10:51 AM Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Lenin and the legacy of classical Germanphilosophy (German) > > Alles Einbildung? > Lenins dialektisches Konzept der Materialität steht gegen das von Kant. > Vermittelt durch Hegels und Marxens Kritik an der Auffassung des > klassischen > Philosophen steht es dennoch in dessen Tradition > Dogan Göçmen > > Lenin gehört zu jener Generation marxistischer Politiker, die einen > umfassenden philosophischen und hohen wissenschaftlichen Anspruch hatten. > Georg > Lukács (1885–1971) bezeichnete ihn als den »größte(n) Denker (...) seit > Marx«1 und > wies darauf hin, daß die Arbeiterbewegung und der sozialistische Kampf > »dringend einen heutigen Lenin« (1870–1924) braucht, der in der Lage > st, »den > heutigen Stand der marxistischen Theorie in politischen Aktionen«2 > umzusetzen. > Dies deutet auf den Stellenwert der Philosophie im Leninschen Werk > hin. »Alles > ist Politik«, sagt Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), »auch die Philosophie > oder > die Philosophien (...), und die einzige ›Philosophie‹ ist die Geschichte > in > Aktion, das heißt das Leben selbst. In diesem Sinn läßt sich die These > vom > deutschen Proletariat als Erbe der klassischen deutschen Philosophie > interpretieren – und läßt sich behaupten, daß die von Iljitsch gemachte > Theoretisierung > und Verwirklichung der Hegemonie3 auch ein großes ›metaphysisches‹ > Ereignis > gewesen ist.«4 Gramsci verweist hier auf Engels' Aussage, daß > die »deutsche > Arbeiterbewegung (...) die Erbin der deutschen klassischen Philosophie« > sei > (MEW 21, S. 307) und stellt Lenin damit in die Tradition der klassischen > deutschen Philosophie, deren Universalisierung dieser durch die > Oktoberrevolution > wie kein anderer bewirkt hat. > > Lenins philosophischer Kampf zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts richtet sich > gegen die reaktionären Strömungen, die sich alle in einer oder anderer > Weise auf > den Begründer des Empiriokritizismus, auf Ernst Mach (1838–1916), > beziehen. > Im Mittelpunkt dieser Auseinandersetzung steht das Erbe der klassischen > deutschen Philosophie, die sich am Konzept des »Dinges an sich« von > Immanuel Kant > (1724–1804), das dieser in der »Kritik der reinen Vernunft« zur > Bezeichnung > des Wesens der äußeren Gegenstände zu einer Kategorie erhoben hat, > entzündet > hatte. > > Nun kann man fragen, wo Lenin seine Philosophie ausgebreitet hat. Auf die > Frage, wo Marx seine materialistische Geschichtsauffassung, d.h. die > Theorie > der proletarischen Befreiung, dargelegt habe, antwortete Lenin mit einer > Gegenfrage: »In welchem Werk hat Marx seine materialistische > Geschichtsauffassung > nicht dargelegt?« (LW 1, S. 134) In Analogie dazu kann man auf die Frage, > wo > Lenin seine Philosophie dargelegt habe, sagen: In welcher Schrift und dem > Werk > hat Lenin seine Philosophie nicht dargelegt? Sein ganzes Werk ist > durchdrungen von einer dialektischen Philosophie, die er sich durch sein > ständiges > Studium der Werke der klassischen deutschen Philosophie und von Marx und > Engels > angeeignet und in seinen »Philosophischen Heften« bestens dokumentiert > hat. > Doch im engeren Sinne des Wortes ist sein philosophisches Hauptwerk das > im Mai > 1909 erschienene Buch »Materialismus und Empiriokritismus«. > Das Ding an sich > Lenin charakterisiert Kants Philosophie als einen Versuch zur »Aussöhnung > des Materialismus mit dem Idealismus, ein Kompromiß zwischen beiden, eine > Verknüpfung verschiedenartiger, einander widersprechender philosophischer > Richtungen zu einem System« (LW 14, S. 195). Diese angestrebte Aussöhnung > ist der > Grundzug des Kantschen Systems. Schon der Titel seines > Hauptwerks, »Kritik der > reinen Vernunft«, macht deutlich, daß die reine Vernunft, also das reine > Denken wie es die Philosophie als Metaphysik bis in Kants Zeiten hinein > praktiziert hatte, kritisiert werden müsse, weil es ihr an Empirie, an > Materialität > fehle. Er hat das in den »Prolegomena zu einer jeden künftigen > Metaphysik« von > 1783 so formuliert: Wenn ich zugebe, daß »›alle Körper mitsamt dem Raume, > darin sie sich befinden, für nichts als bloße Vorstellungen in uns > gehalten > werden und existieren nirgend anders als bloß in unseren Gedanken.‹ Ist > dieses nun > nicht der offenbare Idealismus? Der Idealismus besteht in der Behauptung, > daß es keine anderen als denkende Wesen gebe; die übrigen Dinge, die wir > in der > Anschauung wahrzunehmen glauben, wären nur Vorstellungen in den denkenden > Wesen, denen in der Tat kein außerhalb diesen befindlicher Gegenstand > korrespondierte«.5 Das wäre, wie Kant richtig hervorhebt, ein > idealistischer > Standpunkt, weil er dem erkennenden Wesen alles, was außer ihm existiert, > aus sich > produzieren läßt. Kant will aber nicht so weit gehen. Er will vielmehr > verständlich machen, daß nur die noch nicht inhaltlich bestimmten > ursprünglichen > reinen Begriffe aus Vorstellungen produziert werden können. Deshalb > deutet er auf > den materialistischen Aspekt seiner Erkenntnistheorie: »Ich dagegen sage: > Es > sind uns Dinge als außer uns befindliche Gegenstände unserer Sinne > gegeben, (… > ) denen wir die Benennung eines Körpers geben«, eines »wirklichen > Gegenstandes«. Er fragt dann: »Kann man dieses wohl Idealismus nennen? Es > ist ja gerade > das Gegenteil davon« (ebd., S. 42). > > Kant konstruiert hier ein Subjekt-Objekt-Verhältnis und gibt damit eine > Antwort auf die Grundfrage der Philosophie: wie das Verhältnis vom Sein > und > Bewußtsein zu verstehen sei. Er definiert dabei das Ziel eines jeden > erkenntnistheoretischen Akts als die Aneignung des Objekts durch das > Subjekt, damit die > Objekte »Gegenstände für uns« werden, wie es in der »Kritik der reinen > Vernunft« heißt. Seine Erkenntnistheorie ist also durchaus praktisch > orientiert, > Praxis hier aber nicht im Sinne von Marx und Engels zu verstehen ist. > Beide > begreifen Arbeit als das Natur- und Grundverhältnis des Menschen, in dem > Menschen > überhaupt als solche existieren und in dem sie sich Gegenstände aneignen > können. Der Wissenschaft nach handelt es sich hier also um eine Ontologie > und > Anthropologie. Kants praktische Orientierung ist hingegen bloß > erkenntnistheoretisch gemeint, eine Orientierung also, die die > eigentliche menschliche Praxis, > Arbeit, gegenständliche Tätigkeit, scheut. Und zwar scheut sie dies im > doppelten Sinn: Indem Kant Arbeit, also das menschliche Naturverhältnis, > auf das > Erkennen reduziert und somit Arbeit außer acht läßt, kann er das > Naturverhältnis des Menschen nur unvollkommen denken. Sein Denken erspart > sich also die > Mühe, das Verhältnis in Gänze zu fassen. Diese verkürzte Perspektive ist > der > Grund dafür, daß das menschliche Naturverhältnis als Gegensatz von > Subjekt und > Objekt verstanden wird und alle seine philosophischen Gedanken von dieser > Spaltung durchdrungen sind. > > Kant legt offen, daß die Gegenstände außer uns liegen, spaltet sie aber – > wie nun verständlich ist – in zwei Existenzformen, in Wesen und > Erscheinung, > und behauptet dabei, daß das Wesen der Gegenstände, also das Ding an > sich, > nicht erkannt werden könne und auch per se »gänzlich unbekannt« > (Prolegomena, S. > 42) bleiben werde. »(...) von dem, was sie (die Gegenstände – D. G.) an > sich > selbst sein mögen, wissen wir nichts, sondern kennen nur ihre > Erscheinungen, > d. i. die Vorstellungen, die sie in uns wirken, indem sie unsere Sinne > affizieren« (ebd.). Dieser Grundsatz der Kantschen Philosophie ist der > Gegenstand > der Auseinandersetzung Lenins mit den inneren Widersprüchen in der > Philosophie > zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. > > Hier definiert Kant die äußerste Grenze, die die bürgerliche > Verstandesphilosophie nicht überschreiten kann. Diese Philosophie hat > nicht umsonst darauf > beharrt und diese Trennung von Wesen und Erscheinung zum Anlaß genommen, > das > philosophische Ringen um die Wahrheit zunächst aufs Eis zu legen. > > Spätestens in der Zeit nach 1848 ist die bürgerliche Philosophie nicht > mehr > am Status quo interessiert. Es geht ihr nur noch um reaktionäre > Zerstörung > und die Zurücknahme des Zugeständnisses Kants an den Materialismus. »Wenn > Kant > zugibt«, sagt Lenin, »daß unseren Vorstellungen etwas außer uns, > irgendein > Ding an sich, entspreche, so ist er hierin Materialist. Wenn er dieses > Ding an > sich für unerkennbar, transzendent, jenseitig erklärt, tritt er als > Idealist > auf. (...) Wegen dieser Halbheit Kants führten sowohl die konsequenten > Materialisten als auch die konsequenten Idealisten (...) einen > schonungslosen Kampf > gegen ihn« (LW 14, S. 195). Deshalb unterscheidet Lenin zwischen der > rechten > und linken Kritik an der Kantschen Philosophie. > Die idealistische Kant-Kritik > Die rechte Kritik an Kant kann auf die in der gegenwärtigen Debatte um > den > sogenannten Postmodernismus bekannte Aussage reduziert werden, daß die > Wahrheit beliebig sei. Dieser Hinweis soll auch zeigen, wie aktuell > Lenins > Auseinandersetzung mit den Empiriokritizisten (Machisten) ist. Lenin faßt > alle Formen > der rechten Kritik an Kant unter dem Begriff das »Reaktionäre in der > Philosophie« (LW 14, S. 105) zusammen. Die reaktionäre Kritik wirft Kant > vor, daß er > überhaupt so etwas wie ein Ding an sich angenommen hat, das unabhängig > von > uns existiert und läßt sich auf Ernst Machs folgende Behauptung > reduzieren: > »Die Empfindungen sind auch keine ›Symbole der Dinge‹. Vielmehr ist > das ›Ding‹ > ein Gedankensymbol (...)« (LW 14, S. 32). Wird diese > erkenntnistheoretische > Haltung akzeptiert, so Lenin, dann muß man auch sagen können: »Also > existiert > die Empfindung ohne ›Substanz‹, d. h., der Gedanke existiert ohne > Gehirn!« > > Die Irrationalität dieser Philosophien liegt nach Lenin vor allem in > ihrer > solipsistischen Haltung, die die Außenwelt auf das Produkt der > Vorstellung des > abstrakten Ichs reduziert. Denn die Empfindung wird »nicht für die > Verbindung des Bewußtseins mit der Außenwelt, sondern für eine > Scheidewand gehalten > (...), für eine Mauer, die das Bewußtsein von der Außenwelt trennt« (LW > 14, S. > 43). Wie soll aber jemand ohne zu fühlen und zu sehen irgendetwas > erkennen. > Gibt z.B. Mach nicht zu, »daß die objektive, unabhängig von uns > existierende > Realität den ›sinnlichen Inhalt‹ ausmacht, so bleibt ihm nur ein ›bloßes > abstraktes‹ Ich übrig, (...) ›das taumelnde Spinett, das dachte, es sei > das > einzige, so auf der Welt vorhanden sei‹« (LW 14, S. 34). So folgt > aber »hieraus > mit Notwendigkeit, daß die ganze Welt nur meine Vorstellung ist« (LW 14, > S. > 33). Aber von »dieser Annahme ausgehend, ist es unmöglich, zu der > Existenz > anderer Menschen außer sich selbst zu gelangen: das ist reinster > Solipsismus« (LW > 14, S. 33). Damit reduziert man aber alles, was ist, auf reine Symbole; > dami > t verkommt die Wahrheit zur Beliebigkeit. Denn wenn man zugibt, daß > alles, > was ist, aus den Vorstellungen der Ichs produziert wird, akzeptiert man > auch, > daß es auch beliebig so viele symbolische Wahrheiten wie Ichs geben > wird – > eine »hirnlose Philosophie« (LW 14, S. 40). > Die dialektische Kant-Kritik > Diese von George Berkeley (1685–1853) und David Hume (1711–1776) > stammende > und von Mach fortentwickelte reaktionäre Haltung sieht Lenin auch in der > Kantschen Philosophie angelegt, weil sie zum einen Raum und Zeit zu > Anschauungsformen reduziert; weil sie zweitens die Begriffe für formal > vor jeder Erfahrung > vom Verstand konstruiert hält und weil sie drittens die Möglichkeit der > Erkenntnis des Wesens verneint. Diese Annahme Lenins impliziert, daß es > in der > Kantschen Philosophie auch eine progressive Linie gibt, die von Mach > nicht > gesehen wird. Die linke Kritik, die mit Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel > (1770–1831) > beginnt und über Ludwig Feuerbach (1804–1872) in Marxens und Engels' Werk > mündet, ist an der Weiterentwicklung der Kantschen progressiven Linie > interessiert. > > Lenin sieht in der deutschen Philosophie vor Marx zwei Höhepunkte, hinter > die die Kritik an Kant nicht zurückfallen darf, nämlich die Hegelsche > Dialektik > und der Feuerbachsche Materialismus. Wie Engels betont auch Lenin, daß > die > Frage, ob das Ding an sich erkannt werden könne, bereits durch die > Hegelsche > Dialektik, eine »echte Perle« (LW 14, S. 241), gegeben worden ist. Hegel > seinerseits betont, daß der »Verdienst« der Kantschen Philosophie »durch > das, was > an ihr ausgesetzt werden möge, ihr ungeschmälert bleibt« (WdL I, S. 59 > Fußnote).6 Hegel hebt hervor: »Kant hat die Dialektik höher gestellt > (...), indem > er ihr den Schein von Willkür nahm (...) und sie als ein notwendiges Tun > der > Vernunft darstellte« (WdL I, S. 52). Kants »Antinomien der reinen > Vernunft« > mögen wenig Lob verdienen, »aber die allgemeine Idee, die er zugrunde > gelegt > und geltend gemacht hat, ist die Objektivität des Scheins und die > Notwendigkeit > des Widerspruchs, der zur Natur der Denkbestimmungen gehört« (WdL I, S. > 52). > Hegels Kritik an Kant will genau das Gegenteil von dem tun, was später > der > Neokantianismus bzw. Neopositivismus à la Ernst Mach getan hat, nämlich > im > Rahmen seiner Dialektik die Objektivität und Erkennbarkeit des Wesens > beweisen, > was Kant gerade deshalb nicht leisten konnte, weil er aufgrund seiner > bloß > erkenntnistheoretischen Betrachtung des menschlichen Naturverhältnisses > die > Dialektik auf eine »Logik des Scheins« reduziert hatte. > > Nach Hegel liegt Kants wesentlicher Fehler darin, daß er die Gegenstände > nicht im Verhältnis zueinander sieht. Deshalb erscheinen ihm auch die > Eigenschaften der Gegenstände nicht als verschiedene Ausdrucksformen > desselben Wesens. > »Das Ding an sich, als das einfache Reflektiertsein der Existenz in sich, > ist > nicht der Grund des unwesentlichen Daseins; es ist die unbewegte, > unbestimmte Einheit, weil es eben die Bestimmung hat, die aufgehobene > Vermittlung zu > sein, und daher nur die Grundlage desselben« (WdL II, S. 130). Die > Eigenschaften des Zuckers mögen z. B. dem Pfeffer unwesentlich > erscheinen, weil er andere > Eigenschaften hat. Wenn man aber die Eigenschaften des Zuckers an sich > betrachtet, dann kann man nicht mehr behaupten, daß seine Eigenschaft, > süß zu > sein, nicht dem Wesen des Zuckers gehört: »Das Ding an sich hat Farbe > erst an das > Auge gebracht, Geschmack an die Nase usf.« (WdL II, S. 130). > > Im Rahmen der Hegelschen Dialektik wird das Kantsche Ding an sich zur > erkennbaren absoluten Idee. Hegel erachtet also das Wesen nicht als etwas > materielles, sondern als etwas ideelles, das im Rahmen der Logik > philosophisch > vermittelt werden kann. Deshalb haben Philosophen wie Ernst Bloch > (1885–1977) die > Hegelsche Logik des »Panlogismus« bezichtigt. Hegel faßt, sagt Lenin, in > diesem > Konzept alle Widersprüche der Kantschen Philosophie so zusammen, daß er > sie > auf die Spitze treibt. Von da aus ist dann nur noch ein Schritt zu tun, > um zu > einer materialistischen Philosophie zu gelangen (vgl. LW 14, S. 230). > > Dieser eine Schritt ist ein kritischer Gang, der den »genial-wahren Kern« > (LW 14, S. 313) der Hegelschen Dialektik aufheben muß. Seine Kritik an > Hegel > will Lenin nicht so verstanden haben, daß sie Marx von seinen Quellen > abschneidet, was von Marxens Gegnern immer wieder versucht wird, um ihn > indirekt > anzugreifen, sondern in dem Sinne, daß die Dialektik im Marxismus > aufgehoben wird. > Denn nur im Rahmen einer dialektischen Philosophie kann das Wahre und > Falsche, die absolute und relative Wahrheit, die Notwendigkeit und > Freiheit usw. in > ein vernünftiges und damit dem menschlichen Naturverhältnis > entsprechendes > Verhältnis zueinander gebracht werden. Nur so kann es den Anspruch > Hegels, das > Ganze sei das Wahre, einlösen und die Dialektik als Wissenschaft der > allgemeinen Gesetze sowohl der äußeren Welt als auch des Denkens > etablieren. > > In dieser kritischen Aufhebung muß gezeigt werden, daß das Erkennen ein > Moment der gegenständlichen Tätigkeit ist. Es ist nicht das Maß der > menschlichen > Praxis. (Deshalb kann auch marxistische Philosophie nicht als > Erkenntnistheorie beginnen, sondern als Theorie des menschlichen > Naturverhältnisses.) In > diesem Kontext kann dann Erkennen als Widerspiegelung der in der Praxis > gegenwärtigen Wirklichkeit begriffen werden. Wissen ist so das bewußte > Resultat der > Tätigkeit, eine mentale Widerspiegelung – wie auch das materielle > Resultat der > Tätigkeit oder auch die zur Herstellung der Resultate benötigten > Produktionsmittel Widerspiegelungen der Tätigkeit sind. Wissen ist daher > selbst tätig > und auch Sein, nämlich Bewußtsein und es ist ebenso historisch, da es > sich vom > Nichtwissen zum Wissen bzw. absoluten Wissen entwickelt, indem der Mensch > immer mehr in die verborgenen Bereiche der Natur, der Gesellschaft und > des > eigenen Denkens vordringt: »Das menschliche Denken ist also seiner Natur > nach > fähig, uns die absolute Wahrheit, die sich aus der Summe der relativen > Wahrheiten > zusammensetzt, zu vermitteln, und es tut dies auch. Jede Stufe in der > Entwicklung der Wissenschaft fügt dieser Summe der absoluten Wahrheit > neue Körnchen > hinzu; aber die Grenzen der Wahrheit jedes wissenschaftlichen Satzes sind > relativ und können durch die weitere Entwicklung des Wissens entweder > weiter > oder enger gezogen werden« (LW 14, S. 129). > Das Ganze im Blick > Im Anschluß an Marx und Engels definiert Lenin die Praxis, also die > gegenständliche Tätigkeit und damit das menschliche Naturverhältnis als > das Kriterium > der Wahrheit. »Der Gesichtspunkt des Lebens, der Praxis muß der erste und > grundlegende Gesichtspunkt der Erkenntnistheorie sein. (...) Freilich > darf > dabei nicht vergessen werden, daß das Kriterium der Praxis schon dem > Wesen der > Sache nach niemals irgendeine menschliche Vorstellung vollständig > bestätigen > oder widerlegen kann« (LW 14, S. 137), was uns dabei hindert, in > irgendein > Dogma des ewigen »Absolutum« zu verfallen. »Vom Standpunkt des modernen > Materialismus, d.h. des Marxismus, sind die Grenzen der Annäherung > unserer Kenntnisse > an die objektive, absolute Wahrheit geschichtlich bedingt, unbedingt aber > ist > die Existenz dieser Wahrheit selbst, unbedingt ist, daß wir uns ihr > nähern« > (LW 14, S. 130). > > Obwohl Lenin einräumt, daß die absolute Wahrheit nie vollständig erreicht > werden kann, besteht er darauf, daß ihre Möglichkeit immer angenommen > werden > muß. Man kann hierfür viele philosophische Argumente aufführen. Hier > soll, um > auf das Zitat von Gramsci, der Lenin als die Quelle seiner Theorie der > Hegemonie ausweist, zurückzukommen, ein politischer Grund genannt werden, > der zeigt, > wie Lenin die Dialektik auf Politik anwendet. Gramsci sagt, daß Lenins > »Theoretisierung und Verwirklichung der Hegemonie auch (als – D. G.) ein > großes › > metaphysisches‹ Ereignis« gesehen werden kann. Hier deutet Gramsci an, > wie > eng Lenins politische Theorie und Praxis mit seiner Erkenntnistheorie > zusammenhängt. Lenin hat immer wieder betont, daß die absolute Wahrheit > nie zu > erschließen ist, aber die Annahme ihrer Möglichkeit uns vor großen Fehler > schützen > kann. > > Wie hängt das mit Politik zusammen? Lenin hat unzählige Male Hegels > Dialektik als »revolutionär« bezeichnet. Warum? Darüber möchte ich Lenin > selbst zu > Wort kommen lassen, der zeigt, wie die Dialektik von Teil und Ganzem, von > Qualität und Quantität in politische Aktionen umgesetzt werden kann: »Der > dialektische Prozeß der Entwicklung bringt wirklich schon im Schoße des > Kapitalismus > Elemente der neuen Gesellschaft hervor, sowohl materielle als auch > geistige > Elemente. Doch die Sozialisten müssen es verstehen, die Stückchen vom > Ganzen > zu unterscheiden, müssen das Ganze und nicht die Stückchen als Losung > aufstellen« (LW 9, S. 370). Sie dürfen nicht übersehen, »daß all diese > Stückchen der > Umwälzung, wenn der Aufstand siegt, unweigerlich zu einem einheitlichen, > in > sich geschlossenen ›Epilog‹ des Aufstands verschmelzen werden, während > die > Stückchen, wenn der Aufstand nicht siegt, eben Stückchen bleiben, > klägliche > Stückchen, die nichts ändern und nur Philister zufriedenstellen« (LW 9, > S. 371). > > 1 Georg Lukács: Lenin, Neuwied 1969, S. 7 > 2 Hans Heinz Holz/Leo Kofler/Wolfgang Abendroth: Gespräche mit Georg > Lukács, > Reinbek 1967, S. 71 > 3 Gramsci versteht unter »Hegemonie« Lenins theoretische Begründung und > die > praktische Eroberung der Macht durch die russischen Revolutionäre in der > Oktoberrevolution. > 4 Antonio Gramsci: Gefängnishefte, Hamburg 1992, Bd. 4, S. 892 – Mit > »metaphysisch« ist hier »philosophisch« gemeint. > 5 Immanuel Kant: Prolegomena zu einer jeden künftigen Metaphysik, Hamburg > 1993, S. 41 f. > 6 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Wissenschaft der Logik (WdL), Bd. I und > II, > Frankfurt a. M. 1993, Bd. 1, S. 59 Fußnote > Dogan Göçmen ist wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter an der University of > London > und Mitglied des Vorstandes der »Internationalen Gesellschaft Hegel-Marx > für > Dialektisches Denken« > > -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > _______________________________________________ > Marxism-Thaxis mailing list > Marxism-Thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu > To change your options or unsubscribe go to: > http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism-thaxis > From ballistanc@yahoo.com Fri Dec 15 07:38:12 2006 Received: from web35503.mail.mud.yahoo.com ([66.163.179.127]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with smtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GvECS-0003kQ-3V for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 07:38:12 -0700 Received: (qmail 82158 invoked by uid 60001); 15 Dec 2006 14:42:02 -0000 DomainKey-Signature: a=rsa-sha1; q=dns; c=nofws; s=s1024; d=yahoo.com; h=X-YMail-OSG:Received:Date:From:Subject:To:MIME-Version:Content-Type:Content-Transfer-Encoding:Message-ID; b=Fz1mgHUhTUIwRhh9uG56Kph3hk8pQjahfGN80EUzAaxDkoPm6Ncwkk3x3wHH1orfJeqUBJxR1HzE2ex2Ij5BMTPce0YzeV6lXnbIoWmkRRww9E2g/zAjGULVRmEoX6xFCbA03V5MPA0KofuZLRuPZbso5r89cQwpMOdMX8bU+QE=; X-YMail-OSG: gb1_mJcVM1lkjR3J5mtEBA2svKhGIpBLuS_scS.ThxihsFH2p1oTs21.pWIefkwKSkqkGjXxv70WtMu3SclvAi21rtfrhGPj1aF..SKFeluoYcUMiJOeh0Ia8_gFTQfr.QhdFGDCe7fHOWA- Received: from [66.98.40.135] by web35503.mail.mud.yahoo.com via HTTP; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 06:42:01 PST Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 06:42:01 -0800 (PST) From: juan De La Cruz To: iginio baez , casaclubzonasur@hotmail.com, comradecarl@hotmail.com, cuba-request@lists.econ.utah.edu, foro electricodominicano , enlinea@centropoveda.org, Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired , info meetup , movimientosinaula@yahoo.com, rcybsea@gmail.com, seleccionterreno@intermonoxfam.org, settherecordstraight@hotmail.com, uasd.fac.hum@verizon.net.do MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/mixed; boundary="0-1099112393-1166193721=:81722" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit Message-ID: <49046.81722.qm@web35503.mail.mud.yahoo.com> X-Mailman-Approved-At: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 10:05:53 -0700 X-Content-Filtered-By: Mailman/MimeDel 2.1.5 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Fwd: Manifiesto X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 14:38:12 -0000 --0-1099112393-1166193721=:81722 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit Note: forwarded message attached. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Tired of spam? Yahoo! Mail has the best spam protection around http://mail.yahoo.com --0-1099112393-1166193721=:81722-- From ballistanc@yahoo.com Fri Dec 15 07:40:41 2006 Received: from web35501.mail.mud.yahoo.com ([66.163.179.125]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with smtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GvEEq-0003m4-OL for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 07:40:41 -0700 Received: (qmail 7891 invoked by uid 60001); 15 Dec 2006 14:44:32 -0000 DomainKey-Signature: a=rsa-sha1; q=dns; c=nofws; s=s1024; d=yahoo.com; h=X-YMail-OSG:Received:Date:From:Subject:To:MIME-Version:Content-Type:Content-Transfer-Encoding:Message-ID; b=ZUu+r3Sr8CL0sT2tgIwhZ13S/+iw1JlA+gcyjqjuWt3aVxSFEyTMjjsKD3A+6bpnr/zrKieobJGH+YJsN4i2gDG99Nt478EVMDlt7kC2Lb/TtXcJlKDy/+qROaR4x7fuHjXRJkRmwf7xqrmhgGF6seXzVaGLEyzc2SBTGicSUTM=; X-YMail-OSG: di_ZU08VM1m.CB5fXdZXLyEUO9ReEvRUyLYbffdqA4f1M83XWx7zP2aMEj1K5nRHbPYeFEhblCtdsvC. Received: from [66.98.40.135] by web35501.mail.mud.yahoo.com via HTTP; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 06:44:32 PST Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 06:44:32 -0800 (PST) From: juan De La Cruz To: casaclubzonasur@hotmail.com, Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired , movimientosinaula@yahoo.com, rcybsea@gmail.com, uasd.fac.hum@verizon.net.do MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/mixed; boundary="0-1921266395-1166193872=:7080" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit Message-ID: <425284.7080.qm@web35501.mail.mud.yahoo.com> X-Mailman-Approved-At: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 10:05:54 -0700 X-Content-Filtered-By: Mailman/MimeDel 2.1.5 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Fwd: Delivery Status Notification (Failure) X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 14:40:41 -0000 --0-1921266395-1166193872=:7080 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit Note: forwarded message attached. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Tired of spam? Yahoo! Mail has the best spam protection around http://mail.yahoo.com --0-1921266395-1166193872=:7080-- From andie_nachgeborenen@yahoo.com Fri Dec 15 12:06:50 2006 Received: from web50407.mail.yahoo.com ([206.190.38.72]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with smtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GvIOP-00062E-U4 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 12:06:50 -0700 Received: (qmail 86060 invoked by uid 60001); 15 Dec 2006 19:10:42 -0000 Message-ID: <20061215191042.86058.qmail@web50407.mail.yahoo.com> DomainKey-Signature: a=rsa-sha1; q=dns; c=nofws; s=s1024; d=yahoo.com; h=X-YMail-OSG:Received:Date:From:Subject:To:In-Reply-To:MIME-Version:Content-Type:Content-Transfer-Encoding:Message-ID; b=uCfrvbRYr/cy5JCmMU8STOUBs1ZgNZaVkXgxKyjiujmG98PrWhZfnR5G52ukhOTciS+elGx5f8433teARbjcUZbb3DcS9Z0mzdwZzdHz3rOToNyCHo8blbs+ayzhliRGHy2R1mMD3d/mevXRbB/HKoIGFqoniVyi0e3oi6/pJsM=; X-YMail-OSG: SYdpfUMVM1kTZXbH2YKqW0JfxDuUDua_SoSWwB9IDg.RBUQPzwdF30S_Y2xI5sPs6tdExKEzkC7uqgrDg95PKAKkg5h5ZfJQpzzPjCx2Bio.0Mr0s0IN37NaOS8VMNKPK14pFJtdElyGJMY- Received: from [66.99.221.227] by web50407.mail.yahoo.com via HTTP; Fri, 15 Dec 2006 11:10:41 PST Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 11:10:41 -0800 (PST) From: andie nachgeborenen Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Robert Service To: paddy , Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired In-Reply-To: <004c01c72058$79353710$0601a8c0@paddy> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2006 19:06:50 -0000 Very scholarly, careful, state-of-the-art research. Not terrifically sympathetic, to say the least. But if you are interested in Soviet Russia, you MUST read Service. --- paddy wrote: > Is Robert Services book on Lenin any good. Also the > ones on Stalin and > Russia. > > Paddy Hackett > ----- Original Message ----- > From: > To: > Sent: Friday, December 15, 2006 10:51 AM > Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Lenin and the legacy of > classical Germanphilosophy > (German) > > > > > > Alles Einbildung? > > Lenins dialektisches Konzept der Materialität > steht gegen das von Kant. > > Vermittelt durch Hegels und Marxens Kritik an der > Auffassung des > > klassischen > > Philosophen steht es dennoch in dessen Tradition > > Dogan Göçmen > > > > Lenin gehört zu jener Generation marxistischer > Politiker, die einen > > umfassenden philosophischen und hohen > wissenschaftlichen Anspruch hatten. > > Georg > > Lukács (1885–1971) bezeichnete ihn als den > »größte(n) Denker (...) seit > > Marx«1 und > > wies darauf hin, daß die Arbeiterbewegung und der > sozialistische Kampf > > »dringend einen heutigen Lenin« (1870–1924) > braucht, der in der Lage > > st, »den > > heutigen Stand der marxistischen Theorie in > politischen Aktionen«2 > > umzusetzen. > > Dies deutet auf den Stellenwert der Philosophie im > Leninschen Werk > > hin. »Alles > > ist Politik«, sagt Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), > »auch die Philosophie > > oder > > die Philosophien (...), und die einzige > ›Philosophie‹ ist die Geschichte > > in > > Aktion, das heißt das Leben selbst. In diesem > Sinn läßt sich die These > > vom > > deutschen Proletariat als Erbe der klassischen > deutschen Philosophie > > interpretieren – und läßt sich behaupten, daß > die von Iljitsch gemachte > > Theoretisierung > > und Verwirklichung der Hegemonie3 auch ein großes > ›metaphysisches‹ > > Ereignis > > gewesen ist.«4 Gramsci verweist hier auf Engels' > Aussage, daß > > die »deutsche > > Arbeiterbewegung (...) die Erbin der deutschen > klassischen Philosophie« > > sei > > (MEW 21, S. 307) und stellt Lenin damit in die > Tradition der klassischen > > deutschen Philosophie, deren Universalisierung > dieser durch die > > Oktoberrevolution > > wie kein anderer bewirkt hat. > > > > Lenins philosophischer Kampf zu Beginn des 20. > Jahrhunderts richtet sich > > gegen die reaktionären Strömungen, die sich > alle in einer oder anderer > > Weise auf > > den Begründer des Empiriokritizismus, auf Ernst > Mach (1838–1916), > > beziehen. > > Im Mittelpunkt dieser Auseinandersetzung steht > das Erbe der klassischen > > deutschen Philosophie, die sich am Konzept des > »Dinges an sich« von > > Immanuel Kant > > (1724–1804), das dieser in der »Kritik der > reinen Vernunft« zur > > Bezeichnung > > des Wesens der äußeren Gegenstände zu einer > Kategorie erhoben hat, > > entzündet > > hatte. > > > > Nun kann man fragen, wo Lenin seine Philosophie > ausgebreitet hat. Auf die > > Frage, wo Marx seine materialistische > Geschichtsauffassung, d.h. die > > Theorie > > der proletarischen Befreiung, dargelegt habe, > antwortete Lenin mit einer > > Gegenfrage: »In welchem Werk hat Marx seine > materialistische > > Geschichtsauffassung > > nicht dargelegt?« (LW 1, S. 134) In Analogie dazu > kann man auf die Frage, > > wo > > Lenin seine Philosophie dargelegt habe, sagen: In > welcher Schrift und dem > > Werk > > hat Lenin seine Philosophie nicht dargelegt? Sein > ganzes Werk ist > > durchdrungen von einer dialektischen Philosophie, > die er sich durch sein > > ständiges > > Studium der Werke der klassischen deutschen > Philosophie und von Marx und > > Engels > > angeeignet und in seinen »Philosophischen > Heften« bestens dokumentiert > > hat. > > Doch im engeren Sinne des Wortes ist sein > philosophisches Hauptwerk das > > im Mai > > 1909 erschienene Buch »Materialismus und > Empiriokritismus«. > > Das Ding an sich > > Lenin charakterisiert Kants Philosophie als einen > Versuch zur »Aussöhnung > > des Materialismus mit dem Idealismus, ein > Kompromiß zwischen beiden, eine > > Verknüpfung verschiedenartiger, einander > widersprechender philosophischer > > Richtungen zu einem System« (LW 14, S. 195). > Diese angestrebte Aussöhnung > > ist der > > Grundzug des Kantschen Systems. Schon der Titel > seines > > Hauptwerks, »Kritik der > > reinen Vernunft«, macht deutlich, daß die reine > Vernunft, also das reine > > Denken wie es die Philosophie als Metaphysik bis > in Kants Zeiten hinein > > praktiziert hatte, kritisiert werden müsse, weil > es ihr an Empirie, an > > Materialität > > fehle. Er hat das in den »Prolegomena zu einer > jeden künftigen > > Metaphysik« von > > 1783 so formuliert: Wenn ich zugebe, daß > »›alle Körper mitsamt dem Raume, > > darin sie sich befinden, für nichts als bloße > Vorstellungen in uns > > gehalten > > werden und existieren nirgend anders als bloß in > unseren Gedanken.‹ Ist > > dieses nun > > nicht der offenbare Idealismus? Der Idealismus > besteht in der Behauptung, > > daß es keine anderen als denkende Wesen gebe; die > übrigen Dinge, die wir > > in der > > Anschauung wahrzunehmen glauben, wären nur > Vorstellungen in den denkenden > > Wesen, denen in der Tat kein außerhalb diesen > befindlicher Gegenstand > > korrespondierte«.5 Das wäre, wie Kant richtig > hervorhebt, ein > > idealistischer > > Standpunkt, weil er dem erkennenden Wesen alles, > was außer ihm existiert, > > aus sich > > produzieren läßt. Kant will aber nicht so weit > gehen. Er will vielmehr > > verständlich machen, daß nur die noch nicht > inhaltlich bestimmten > > ursprünglichen > > reinen Begriffe aus Vorstellungen produziert > werden können. Deshalb > > deutet er auf > > den materialistischen Aspekt seiner > Erkenntnistheorie: »Ich dagegen sage: > > Es > > sind uns Dinge als außer uns befindliche > Gegenstände unserer Sinne > > gegeben, (… > > ) denen wir die Benennung eines Körpers geben«, > eines »wirklichen > > Gegenstandes«. Er fragt dann: »Kann man dieses > wohl Idealismus nennen? Es > > ist ja gerade > > das Gegenteil davon« (ebd., S. 42). > > > > Kant konstruiert hier ein > Subjekt-Objekt-Verhältnis und gibt damit eine > > Antwort auf die Grundfrage der Philosophie: wie > das Verhältnis vom Sein > > und > > Bewußtsein zu verstehen sei. Er definiert dabei > das Ziel eines jeden > > erkenntnistheoretischen Akts als die Aneignung > des === message truncated === __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Tired of spam? Yahoo! Mail has the best spam protection around http://mail.yahoo.com From Dogangoecmen@aol.com Sun Dec 17 12:10:35 2006 Received: from imo-d03.mx.aol.com ([205.188.157.35]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1Gw1P8-0008UX-Pd for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 17 Dec 2006 12:10:35 -0700 Received: from Dogangoecmen@aol.com by imo-d03.mx.aol.com (mail_out_v38_r7.6.) id w.ce7.44ebd81 (48600) for ; Sun, 17 Dec 2006 14:14:26 -0500 (EST) From: Dogangoecmen@aol.com Message-ID: Date: Sun, 17 Dec 2006 14:14:23 EST Subject: Fwd: [Marxism-Thaxis] Robert Service To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/mixed; boundary="part1_ce7.44ebd81.32b6f10f_boundary" X-Mailer: 9.0 SE for Windows sub 5009 X-Spam-Flag: NO X-Mailman-Approved-At: Sun, 17 Dec 2006 12:44:20 -0700 X-Content-Filtered-By: Mailman/MimeDel 2.1.5 X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 17 Dec 2006 19:10:35 -0000 --part1_ce7.44ebd81.32b6f10f_boundary Content-Type: text/plain; charset="US-ASCII" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit I received this email off-list and do not understand why. Can anyone explain it? --part1_ce7.44ebd81.32b6f10f_boundary-- From farmelantj@juno.com Mon Dec 25 04:56:00 2006 Received: from m11.lax.untd.com ([64.136.30.74]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with smtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GyoQy-0000r2-3f for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 25 Dec 2006 04:56:00 -0700 Received: from m11.lax.untd.com (localhost [127.0.0.1]) by m11.lax.untd.com with SMTP id AABC29RKEAP7JBSA for (sender ); Mon, 25 Dec 2006 03:59:32 -0800 (PST) X-UNTD-OriginStamp: 0yMx0kAy+LlRzQAW/WOzLryvmsQLn3HM12oGWQoYAsy0b+FTlPG/vQ== Received: (from farmelantj@juno.com) by m11.lax.untd.com (jqueuemail) id MAFEPB6X; Mon, 25 Dec 2006 03:58:36 PST To: lbo-talk@lbo-talk.org,marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu, marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu, marxistphilosophy@yahoogroups.com Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2006 06:57:57 -0500 Message-ID: <20061225.065812.3160.0.farmelantj@juno.com> X-Mailer: Juno 4.0.11 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Juno-Att: 0 X-Juno-RefParts: 0 From: Jim Farmelant X-ContentStamp: 2:2:1056150092 X-UNTD-Peer-Info: 127.0.0.1|localhost|m11.lax.untd.com|farmelantj@juno.com Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Have a happy and merry December 25 X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2006 11:56:00 -0000 Today, as the world pauses on the birthday of one of history's greatest men, whose teachings continue to benefit the entire human race, let us join in toasting the memory of Sir Isaac Newton, and of all the giants on whose shoulders he stood. Jim F. From Waistline2@aol.com Mon Dec 25 13:41:09 2006 Received: from imo-d22.mx.aol.com ([205.188.144.208]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1GywdB-0002yN-Kx for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 25 Dec 2006 13:41:09 -0700 Received: from Waistline2@aol.com by imo-d22.mx.aol.com (mail_out_v38_r7.6.) id w.c89.691881f (39329) for ; Mon, 25 Dec 2006 15:45:20 -0500 (EST) From: Waistline2@aol.com Message-ID: Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2006 15:45:18 EST Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Have a happy and merry December 25 To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="US-ASCII" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: 9.0 for Windows sub 5127 X-Spam-Flag: NO X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2006 20:41:10 -0000 Today, as the world pauses on the birthday of one of history's greatest men, whose teachings continue to benefit the entire human race, let us join in toasting the memory of Sir Isaac Newton, and of all the giants on whose shoulders he stood. Jim F. Comment Cheers . . . Peace Jim F. Melvin P. From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Mon Jan 01 14:02:46 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H1UIv-0007Su-UX for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 01 Jan 2007 14:02:46 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Mon, 1 Jan 2007 16:07:48 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Mon, 1 Jan 2007 16:07:41 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: Acct6N/HTLYu4Tf2QPu0/2mTZo56Ag== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] US Patents for Financial Services Boost X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 01 Jan 2007 21:02:46 -0000 Today's meta-patents, financial property as the preeminent form of private property today. CB US Patents for Financial Services Boost _ US patents for financial services boost By David Wighton in New York Financial Times Updated: 1:40 a.m. ET Dec 30, 2006 The number of US patents issued for financial services has soared this year as banks have rushed to take advantage of a protection once seen as the preserve of technology and drug companies. Patents issued in the main US financial services category had risen more than threefold to 238 by the end of last week, with General Electric's finance arms heading the field with 11. Many financial companies have stepped up efforts to protect intellectual property in recent years. Innovations that would not have been tried previously are being pursued because they can now be patented. But experts warns that financial services is a fertile area for "patent trolls", who obtain and aggressively litigate patents. Josh Lerner, a professor at Harvard Business School, said large numbers of financial services patents were of questionable quality. "In many cases patents are being used not as a tool to promote innovation but as a tool for extracting 'rents' from companies with deep pockets." John Squires, chief intellectual property lawyer at Goldman Sachs, said a big worry was the way US courts granted injunctions to force companies found guilty of patent infringement to stop using disputed technology. Because of the highly interdependent nature of modern financial services, such injunctions could pose severe problems for the broader industry. The dramatic growth in financial patents comes amid increasing concern about the patent system in the US and attempts to reform the process in Europe. In Europe, financial services or so-called business methods patents, are rare and lawyers say they are seldom enforced in the courts. But in the US, a 1998 court ruling in a case involving State Street Bank made clear that businesses' processes were patentable. A flood of applications followed and these are now feeding through into issued patents. Many financial services patents this year were issued to large US financial companies such as GE, Citigroup, JPMorgan, First Data and Goldman Sachs, or technology companies such as IBM, Hewlett-Packard and Accenture. An increasing number of patents have been issued to individuals. Vergil Daughtery, a Georgia Tech MBA, was awarded patents for the pricing of "expirationless options". This was "despite the fact that perpetual options had been extensively studied in the finance literature since the 1960s", Prof Lerner said. In June, the company to which Mr Daughtery licensed the patents filed a suit against the Philadelphia Stock Exchange for infringement. Financial patents were being litigated at almost 30 times the rate of patents as a whole, Prof Lerner found in a recent study. -- Yoshie ________________________________ [ Other Periods | Other mailing lists | Search ] ________________________________ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Wed Jan 03 11:42:36 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H2B4O-0004yO-OL for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Wed, 03 Jan 2007 11:42:36 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Wed, 3 Jan 2007 13:47:43 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Wed, 3 Jan 2007 13:47:41 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: AccvZr3A0SV3MbFMTe60idFRu9CB0QAAMBFg X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Wal-Mart Seeks New Flexibility In Worker Shifts X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Wed, 03 Jan 2007 18:42:37 -0000 Wal-Mart Seeks New Flexibility In Worker Shifts By KRIS MAHER January 3, 2007; Page A1 The nation's biggest private employer is about to revamp the way it schedules its work force, in a move that could shake up many employees' lives. Early this year, Wal-Mart Stores Inc., using a new computerized scheduling system, will start moving many of its 1.3 million workers from predictable shifts to a system based on the number of customers in stores at any given time. The move promises greater productivity and customer satisfaction for the huge retailer but could be a major headache for employees. The change is made possible by a software system that can crunch an array of data, part of a shift toward computerized management tools that can help pare costs and boost companies' bottom lines. But it also could demand greater flexibility and availability from workers in place of reliable work shifts -- and predictable paychecks. WALL STREET JOURNAL VIDEO [video] 1 WSJ assistant managing editor Alan Murray discusses Wal-mart's new worker scheduling system 2. Wal-Mart began implementing the new system for some workers, including cashiers and accounting-office personnel, last year. As the world's largest retailer, the Bentonville, Ark., company often sets the standard for others, and many chains already are heading in the same direction. Others that have rolled out advanced scheduling systems in the past year or are currently doing so include Payless ShoeSource Inc., RadioShack Corp. and Mervyns LLC. Payless expects to have its system in 300 of 4,000 stores by the end of January. The system, designed by Kronos Inc., tracks individual store sales, transactions, units sold and customer traffic in 15-minute increments over seven weeks, and compares data to the prior year's, before scheduling workers. Payless hopes to "optimize our schedules to better anticipate when customers will be in our stores so that we can better engage them," says Larry Leibach, the shoe retailer's director of project management. A company using these fine-tuned programs might start the day with a few employees on hand at many stores, bring in a bunch more during busy midday hours, and gradually pare down through the day before bulking up for the evening rush. Staffing is the latest arena in which companies are trying to wring costs and attain new efficiencies. The latest so-called scheduling-optimization systems can integrate data ranging from the number of in-store customers at certain hours to the average time it takes to sell a television or unload a truck, and help predict how many workers will be needed at any given hour. Companies also hope the scheduling systems will cut litigation by helping them comply with federal wage-and-hour laws, and variations at the state level on everything from the timing and frequency of breaks to how many hours minors can be scheduled. Moreover, retailers say tighter scheduling lets them better serve customers by shortening checkout lines. "There's been a new push for labor optimization," says Nikki Baird of Forrester Research Inc. "You want to have the flexibility to more closely match ... shifts to when the demand is there." But while the new systems are expected to benefit both retailers and customers, some experts say they can saddle workers with unpredictable schedules. In some cases, they may be asked to be "on call" to meet customer surges, or sent home because of a lull, resulting in less pay. The new systems also alert managers when a worker is approaching full-time status or overtime, which would require higher wages and benefits, so they can scale back that person's schedule. That means workers may not know when or if they will need a babysitter or whether they will work enough hours to pay that month's bills. Rather than work three eight-hour days, someone might now be plugged into six four-hour days, mornings one week and evenings the next. Some analysts say the new systems will result in more irregular part-time work. "The whole point is workers were a fixed cost, now they're a variable cost. Is it good for workers? Probably not," says Kenneth Dalto, a management consultant in Farmington Hills, Mich. Unions have criticized Wal-Mart for its scheduling changes, saying the company is forcing people to be available to work more hours each week but to sacrifice a more regular schedule. Paul Blank, campaign director for WakeUpWalMart.com 3, funded by the United Food and Commercial Workers union, says the new scheduling system has "devastating implications" for employees. "What the computer is trying to optimize is the most number of part-time and least number of full-time workers at the lowest labor costs, with no regard for the effect that it has on workers' lives," he says. Wal-Mart spokeswoman Sarah Clark says the system isn't intended to schedule fewer workers, and hasn't where it has been implemented so far. The company says that in one test last year in 39 stores, 70% of customers said the checkout experience had improved. "The advantages are simple: We will benefit by improving the shopping experience by having the right number of associates to meet our customers' needs when they shop our stores," Ms. Clark said. In the past, store managers for Wal-Mart and other huge retailers, including Sears Holdings Corp.'s Kmart, Payless and J. Crew, scheduled workers based on store promotions and weekly sales figures from the previous year. By comparison, the software systems created by workforce-management software companies such as Workbrain Inc., Kronos and CyberShift Inc. rely on real-time data feeds, such as sales rung up at the cash register and customer traffic. The systems can boost productivity by freeing up managers. While it can take managers an entire day to create schedules for several hundred workers at a single big-box store, staffing can now be drawn up across an entire company in a few hours. Workbrain says it generates schedules for Target Corp.'s 350,000 U.S. employees at 1,500 locations in less than six hours. Target declined to comment on its scheduling system. Store chains spent $55 million on licensing fees for work-force-management software in 2005, up from $44 million in 2004, according to AMR Research Inc. in Boston. AMR analyst Robert Garf estimates revenue for these systems grew by 15% to 20% in 2006. "We're really at this tipping point today," he says. Wal-Mart is rolling out the new "optimizer" system from an outside vendor in all its stores and for all employees this year. Wal-Mart asks hourly employees to fill out the hours they can work on "personal availability" forms. A copy provided by WakeUpWalMart states that all full-time cashiers and customer-service workers are encouraged to consider including "if at all possible" a weekend shift every week. "Limiting your personal availability may restrict the number of hours you are scheduled," the form reads. Some workers say the form has been used to pressure them to be open to more shifts. Tami Orth, a full-time cashier in Ludington, Mich., says she used to work a regular schedule of nearly 35 hours a week, with Mondays and Wednesdays off. In May, managers began to assign her as few as 12 hours a week, and her shifts began to fluctuate. "You can't budget anything," says Ms. Orth, who earns $9.32 an hour. Some longtime workers also say they believe managers use the system to pressure them to quit. After working 16 years at a Wal-Mart in Hastings, Minn., Karen Nelson says managers told her she had to be open to working nights and weekends. After she refused, her hours were trimmed, though they have been restored in recent months. "The store manager said he could get two people for what he pays me," says Ms. Nelson, who earns about $14.50 an hour. Ms. Orth and Ms. Nelson both had contacted union critics of the company in recent months. Ms. Clark denied managers use the system to pressure people to change their availability or force out seasoned workers. She also said the new system makes schedules more consistent. Write to Kris Maher at kris.maher@wsj.com4 URL for this article: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB116779472314165646.html Hyperlinks in this Article: (1) http://release.theplatform.com/content.select?pid=BRWRDKFAJCNZ5ZL3UtJ8RAW72K x27sNA (2) http://release.theplatform.com/content.select?pid=BRWRDKFAJCNZ5ZL3UtJ8RAW72K x27sNA (3) http://www.WakeUpWalMart.com (4) mailto:kris.maher@wsj.com Copyright 2007 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All R From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 05 07:28:19 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H2q3P-0000eP-Nk for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 05 Jan 2007 07:28:19 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 5 Jan 2007 09:33:29 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Fri, 5 Jan 2007 09:33:25 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: Accw1nR0wSBcA6oxSsG4+QS+I0cjUg== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Early interesting artifact X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 05 Jan 2007 14:28:20 -0000 The Times December 02, 2006 Python may have been the first sacred cow 70,000 years ago Lewis Smith A rock shaped like an enormous python's head, discovered in a cave in the Tsodilo hills of Botswana, puts back the date of the first known human ritual by 30,000 years, they say. Behind the rock, which was covered in man-made indentations, was a chamber that the archaeologists believed was used by a shaman who could have spoken without being seen, giving the impression that it was the snake speaking. "The shaman would have been able to control everything. It was perfect," Sheila Coulson, from the University of Oslo, said. She said that she was astonished to find the rock when she first walked into the cave this year. "You could see the mouth and eyes . . . it looked like a real python." Dr Coulson said that sunlight gave the indentations the appearance of scales, while at night firelight made the snake seem to move. Buried in front of the rock were 13,000 human artefacts, including red stone spearheads that appeared to have been burnt. The researchers believe that they were an offering to the snake. "It was a ritual destruction of artefacts," Dr Coulson said. "There was no sign of normal habitation. No ordinary tools were found at the site." She said the find meant that humans were more organised and had the capacity for abstract thinking at a much earlier point in history than assumed previously. http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,13509-2482418,00.html From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 07 11:18:13 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H3caz-0000NN-Ba; Sun, 07 Jan 2007 11:18:13 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id ; Sun, 7 Jan 2007 13:23:29 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: , "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 7 Jan 2007 13:23:23 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: AccyiOoZmEVBuTtNTD+K2/07IIG0jA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Blood and oil: How the West will profit from Iraq's most precious commodity X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 07 Jan 2007 18:18:14 -0000 http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/article2132574.ece Published: 07 January 2007 So was this what the Iraq war was fought for, after all? As the number=20 of US soldiers killed since the invasion rises past the 3,000 mark, and=20 President George Bush gambles on sending in up to 30,000 more troops,=20 The Independent on Sunday has learnt that the Iraqi government is about=20 to push through a law giving Western oil companies the right to exploit=20 the country's massive oil reserves. And Iraq's oil reserves, the third largest in the world, with an=20 estimated 115 billion barrels waiting to be extracted, are a prize worth = having. As Vice-President Dick Cheney noted in 1999, when he was still=20 running Halliburton, an oil services company, the Middle East is the key = to preventing the world running out of oil. Now, unnoticed by most amid the furore over civil war in Iraq and the=20 hanging of Saddam Hussein, the new oil law has quietly been going=20 through several drafts, and is now on the point of being presented to=20 the cabinet and then the parliament in Baghdad. Its provisions are a=20 radical departure from the norm for developing countries: under a system = known as "production-sharing agreements", or PSAs, oil majors such as BP = and Shell in Britain, and Exxon and Chevron in the US, would be able to=20 sign deals of up to 30 years to extract Iraq's oil. PSAs allow a country to retain legal ownership of its oil, but gives a=20 share of profits to the international companies that invest in=20 infrastructure and operation of the wells, pipelines and refineries.=20 Their introduction would be a first for a major Middle Eastern oil=20 producer. Saudi Arabia and Iran, the world's number one and two oil=20 exporters, both tightly control their industries through state-owned=20 companies with no appreciable foreign collaboration, as do most members=20 of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, Opec. Critics fear that given Iraq's weak bargaining position, it could get=20 locked in now to deals on bad terms for decades to come. "Iraq would end = up with the worst possible outcome," said Greg Muttitt of Platform, a=20 human rights and environmental group that monitors the oil industry. He=20 said the new legislation was drafted with the assistance of=20 BearingPoint, an American consultancy firm hired by the US government,=20 which had a representative working in the American embassy in Baghdad=20 for several months. "Three outside groups have had far more opportunity to scrutinise this=20 legislation than most Iraqis," said Mr Muttitt. "The draft went to the=20 US government and major oil companies in July, and to the International=20 Monetary Fund in September. Last month I met a group of 20 Iraqi MPs in=20 Jordan, and I asked them how many had seen the legislation. Only one = had." Britain and the US have always hotly denied that the war was fought for=20 oil. On 18 March 2003, with the invasion imminent, Tony Blair proposed=20 the House of Commons motion to back the war. "The oil revenues, which=20 people falsely claim that we want to seize, should be put in a trust=20 fund for the Iraqi people administered through the UN," he said. "The United Kingdom should seek a new Security Council Resolution that=20 would affirm... the use of all oil revenues for the benefit of the Iraqi = people." That suggestion came to nothing. In May 2003, just after President Bush=20 declared major combat operations at an end, under a banner boasting=20 "Mission Accomplished", Britain co-sponsored a resolution in the=20 Security Council which gave the US and UK control over Iraq's oil=20 revenues. Far from "all oil revenues" being used for the Iraqi people,=20 Resolution 1483 continued to make deductions from Iraq's oil earnings to = pay compensation for the invasion of Kuwait in 1990. That exception aside, however, the often-stated aim of the US and=20 Britain was that Iraq's oil money would be used to pay for=20 reconstruction. In July 2003, for example, Colin Powell, then Secretary=20 of State, insisted: "We have not taken one drop of Iraqi oil for US=20 purposes, or for coalition purposes. Quite the contrary... It cost a=20 great deal of money to prosecute this war. But the oil of the Iraqi=20 people belongs to the Iraqi people; it is their wealth, it will be used=20 for their benefit. So we did not do it for oil." Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Defense Secretary at the time of the war and now=20 head of the World Bank, told Congress: "We're dealing with a country=20 that can really finance its own reconstruction, and relatively soon." But this optimism has proved unjustified. Since the invasion, Iraqi oil=20 production has dropped off dramatically. The country is now producing=20 about two million barrels per day. That is down from a pre-war peak of=20 3.5 million barrels. Not only is Iraq's whole oil infrastructure=20 creaking under the effects of years of sanctions, insurgents have=20 constantly attacked pipelines, so that the only steady flow of exports=20 is through the Shia-dominated south of the country. Worsening sectarian violence and gangsterism have driven most of the=20 educated =E9lite out of the country for safety, depriving the oil = industry=20 of the Iraqi experts and administrators it desperately needs. And even the present stunted operation is rife with corruption and=20 smuggling. The Oil Ministry's inspector-general recently reported that a = tanker driver who paid $500 in bribes to police patrols to take oil over = the western or northern border would still make a profit on the shipment = of $8,400. "In the present state, it would be crazy to pump in more money, just to=20 be stolen," said Greg Muttitt. "It's another reason not to bring in=20 $20bn of foreign money now." Before the war, Mr Bush endorsed claims that Iraq's oil would pay for=20 reconstruction. But the shortage of revenues afterwards has silenced him = on this point. More recently he has argued that oil should be used as a=20 means to unify the country, "so the people have faith in central=20 government", as he put it last summer. But in a country more dependent than almost any other on oil - it=20 accounts for 70 per cent of the economy - control of the assets has=20 proved a recipe for endless wrangling. Most of the oil reserves are in=20 areas controlled by the Kurds and Shias, heightening the fears of the=20 Sunnis that their loss of power with the fall of Saddam is about to be=20 compounded by economic deprivation. The Kurds in particular have been eager to press ahead, and even signed=20 some small PSA deals on their own last year, setting off a struggle with = Baghdad. These issues now appear to have been resolved, however: a=20 revenue-sharing agreement based on population was reached some months=20 ago, and sources have told the IoS that regional oil companies will be=20 set up to handle the PSA deals envisaged by the new law. The Independent on Sunday has obtained a copy of an early draft which=20 was circulated to oil companies in July. It is understood there have=20 been no significant changes made in the final draft. The terms outlined=20 to govern future PSAs are generous: according to the draft, they could=20 be fixed for at least 30 years. The revelation will raise Iraqi fears=20 that oil companies will be able to exploit its weak state by securing=20 favourable terms that cannot be changed in future. Iraq's sovereign right to manage its own natural resources could also be = threatened by the provision in the draft that any disputes with a=20 foreign company must ultimately be settled by international, rather than = Iraqi, arbitration. In the July draft obtained by The Independent on Sunday, legislators=20 recognise the controversy over this, annotating the relevant paragraph=20 with the note, "Some countries do not accept arbitration between a=20 commercial enterprise and themselves on the basis of sovereignty of the=20 state." It is not clear whether this clause has been retained in the final = draft. Under the chapter entitled "Fiscal Regime", the draft spells out that=20 foreign companies have no restrictions on taking their profits out of=20 the country, and are not subject to any tax when doing this. "A Foreign Person may repatriate its exports proceeds [in accordance=20 with the foreign exchange regulations in force at the time]." Shares in=20 oil projects can also be sold to other foreign companies: "It may freely = transfer shares pertaining to any non-Iraqi partners." The final draft=20 outlines general terms for production sharing agreements, including a=20 standard 12.5 per cent royalty tax for companies. It is also understood that once companies have recouped their costs from = developing the oil field, they are allowed to keep 20 per cent of the=20 profits, with the rest going to the government. According to analysts=20 and oil company executives, this is because Iraq is so dangerous, but Dr = Muhammad-Ali Zainy, a senior economist at the Centre for Global Energy=20 Studies, said: "Twenty per cent of the profits in a production sharing=20 agreement, once all the costs have been recouped, is a large amount." In = more stable countries, 10 per cent would be the norm. While the costs are being recovered, companies will be able to recoup 60 = to 70 per cent of revenue; 40 per cent is more usual. David Horgan,=20 managing director of Petrel Resources, an Aim-listed oil company focused = on Iraq, said: "They are reasonable rates of return, and take account of = the bad security situation in Iraq. The government needs people,=20 technology and capital to develop its oil reserves. It has got to come=20 up with terms which are good enough to attract companies. The major=20 companies tend to be conservative." Dr Zainy, an Iraqi who has recently visited the country, said: "It's=20 very dangerous ... although the security situation is far better in the=20 north." Even taking that into account, however, he believed that "for a=20 company to take 20 per cent of the profits in a production sharing=20 agreement once all the costs have been recouped is large". He pointed to the example of Total, which agreed terms with Saddam=20 Hussein before the second Iraq war to develop a huge field. Although the = contract was never signed, the French company would only have kept 10=20 per cent of the profits once the company had recovered its costs. And while the company was recovering its costs, it is understood it=20 agreed to take only 40 per cent of the profits, the Iraqi government=20 receiving the rest. Production sharing agreements of more than 30 years are unusual, and=20 more commonly used for challenging regions like the Amazon where it can=20 take up to a decade to start production. Iraq, in contrast, is one of=20 the cheapest and easiest places in the world to drill for and produce=20 oil. Many fields have already been discovered, and are waiting to be=20 developed. Analysts estimate that despite the size of Iraq's reserves - the third=20 largest in the world - only 2,300 wells have been drilled in total,=20 fewer than in the North Sea. Confirmation of the generous terms - widely feared by international non=20 government organisations and Iraqis alike - have prompted some to draw=20 parallels with the production-sharing agreements Russia signed in the=20 1990s, when it was bankrupt and in chaos. At the time Shell was able to sign very favourable terms to develop oil=20 and gas reserves off the coast of Sakhalin island in the far east of=20 Russia. But at the end of last year, after months of thinly veiled=20 threats from the environment regulator, the Anglo-Dutch company was=20 forced to give Russian state-owned gas giant Gazprom a share in the = project. Although most other oil experts endorsed the view that PSAs would be=20 needed to kick-start exports from Iraq, Mr Muttitt disagreed. "The most=20 commonly mentioned target has been for Iraq to increase production to 6=20 million barrels a day by 2015 or so," he said. "Iraq has estimated that=20 it would need $20bn to $25bn of investment over the next five or six=20 years, roughly $4bn to $5bn a year. But even last year, according to=20 reports, the Oil Ministry had between $3bn and $4bn it couldn't invest.=20 The shortfall is around $1bn a year, and that could easily be made up if = the security situation improved. "PSAs have a cost in sovereignty and future revenues. It is not true at=20 all that this is the only way to do it." Technical services agreements,=20 of the type common in countries which have a state-run oil corporation,=20 would be all that was necessary. James Paul of Global Policy Forum, another advocacy group, said: "The US = and the UK have been pressing hard on this. It's pretty clear that this=20 is one of their main goals in Iraq." The Iraqi authorities, he said,=20 were "a government under occupation, and it is highly influenced by=20 that. The US has a lot of leverage... Iraq is in no condition right now=20 to go ahead and do this." Mr Paul added: "It is relatively easy to get the oil in Iraq. It is=20 nowhere near as complicated as the North Sea. There are super giant=20 fields that are completely mapped, [and] there is absolutely no=20 exploration cost and no risk. So the argument that these agreements are=20 needed to hedge risk is specious." One point on which all agree, however, is that only small, maverick oil=20 companies are likely to risk any activity in Iraq in the foreseeable=20 future. "Production over the next year in Iraq is probably going to fall = rather than go up," said Kevin Norrish, an oil analyst from Barclays.=20 "The whole thing is held together by a shoestring; it's desperate." An oil industry executive agreed, saying: "All the majors will be in=20 Iraq, but they won't start work for years. Even Lukoil [of Russia], the=20 Chinese and Total [of France] are not in a rush to endanger themselves.=20 It's now very hard for US and allied companies because of the disastrous = war." Mr Muttitt echoed warnings that unfavourable deals done now could=20 unravel a few years down the line, just when Iraq might become peaceful=20 enough for development of its oil resources to become attractive. The=20 seeds could be sown for a future struggle over natural resources which=20 has led to decades of suspicion of Western motives in countries such as=20 Iran. Iraqi trade union leaders who met recently in Jordan suggested that the=20 legislation would cause uproar once its terms became known among=20 ordinary Iraqis. "The Iraqi people refuse to allow the future of their oil to be decided=20 behind closed doors," their statement said. "The occupier seeks and=20 wishes to secure... energy resources at a time when the Iraqi people are = seeking to determine their own future, while still under conditions of=20 occupation." The resentment implied in their words is ominous, and not only for oil=20 company executives in London or Houston. The perception that Iraq's=20 wealth is being carved up among foreigners can only add further fuel to=20 the flames of the insurgency, defeating the purpose of sending more=20 American troops to a country already described in a US intelligence=20 report as a cause c=E9l=E8bre for terrorism. America protects its fuel supplies - and contracts Despite US and British denials that oil was a war aim, American troops=20 were detailed to secure oil facilities as they fought their way to=20 Baghdad in 2003. And while former defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld=20 shrugged off the orgy of looting after the fall of Saddam's statue in=20 Baghdad, the Oil Ministry - alone of all the seats of power in the Iraqi = capital - was under American guard. Halliburton, the firm that Dick Cheney used to run, was among US-based=20 multinationals that won most of the reconstruction deals - one of its=20 workers is pictured, tackling an oil fire. British firms won some=20 contracts, mainly in security. But constant violence has crippled=20 rebuilding operations. Bechtel, another US giant, has pulled out, saying = it could not make a profit on work in Iraq. In just 40 pages, Iraq is locked into sharing its oil with foreign=20 investors for the next 30 years A 40-page document leaked to the 'IoS' sets out the legal framework for=20 the Iraqi government to sign production- sharing agreement contracts=20 with foreign companies to develop its vast oil reserves. The paper lays the groundwork for profit-sharing partnerships between=20 the Iraqi government and international oil companies. It also lays out=20 the basis for co-operation between Iraq's federal government and its=20 regional authorities to develop oil fields. The document adds that oil companies will enjoy contracts to extract=20 Iraqi oil for up to 30 years, and stresses that Iraq needs foreign=20 investment for the "quick and substantial funding of reconstruction and=20 modernisation projects". It concludes that the proposed hydrocarbon law is of "great importance=20 to the whole nation as well as to all investors in the sector" and that=20 the proceeds from foreign investment in Iraq's oilfields would, in the=20 long term, decrease dependence on oil and gas revenues. The role of oil in Iraq's fortunes Iraq has 115 billion barrels of known oil reserves - 10 per cent of the=20 world total. There are 71 discovered oilfields, of which only 24 have=20 been developed. Oil accounts for 70 per cent of Iraq's GDP and 95 per=20 cent of government revenue. Iraq's oil would be recovered under a=20 production sharing agreement (PSA) with the private sector. These are=20 used in only 12 per cent of world oil reserves and apply in none of the=20 other major Middle Eastern oil-producing countries. In some countries=20 such as Russia, where they were signed at a time of political upheaval,=20 politicians are now regretting them. The $50bn bonanza for US companies piecing a broken Iraq together The task of rebuilding a shattered Iraq has gone mainly to US companies. As well as contractors to restore the infrastructure, such as its water, = electricity and gas networks, a huge number of companies have found=20 lucrative work supporting the ongoing coalition military presence in the = country. Other companies have won contracts to restore Iraq's media; its = schools and hospitals; its financial services industry; and, of course,=20 its oil industry. In May 2003, the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), part of the US=20 Department of Defence, created the Project Management Office in Baghdad=20 to oversee Iraq's reconstruction. In June 2004 the CPA was dissolved and the Iraqi interim government took = power. But the US maintained its grip on allocating contracts to private = companies. The management of reconstruction projects was transferred to=20 the Iraq Reconstruction and Management Office, a division of the US=20 Department of State, and the Project and Contracting Office, in the=20 Department of Defence. The largest beneficiary of reconstruction work in Iraq has been KBR=20 (Kellogg, Brown & Root), a division of US giant Halliburton, which to=20 date has secured contracts in Iraq worth $13bn (=A37bn), including an=20 uncontested $7bn contract to rebuild Iraq's oil infrastructure. Other=20 companies benefiting from Iraq contracts include Bechtel, the giant US=20 conglomerate, BearingPoint, the consultant group that advised on the=20 drawing up of Iraq's new oil legislation, and General Electric.=20 According to the US-based Centre for Public Integrity, 150-plus US=20 companies have won contracts in Iraq worth over $50bn. 30,000 Number of Kellogg, Brown and Root employees in Iraq. 36 The number of interrogators employed by Caci, a US company, that have = worked in the Abu Ghraib prison since August 2003. $12.1bn UN's estimate of the cost of rebuilding Iraq's electricity = network. $2 trillion Estimated cost of the Iraq war to the US, according to the=20 Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz. WHAT THEY SAID "Oil revenues, which people falsely claim that we want to seize, should=20 be put in a trust fund for the Iraqi people" /Tony Blair; Moving motion for war with Iraq, 18 March 2003/ "Oil belongs to the Iraqi people; the government has... to be good=20 stewards of that valuable asset " /George Bush; Press conference, 14 June 2006/ "The oil of the Iraqi people... is their wealth. We did not [invade=20 Iraq] for oil " /Colin Powell; Press briefing, 10 July 2003/ "Oil revenues of Iraq could bring between $50bn and $100bn in two or=20 three years... [Iraq] can finance its reconstruction" /Paul Wolfowitz; Deputy Defense Secretary, March 2003/ "By 2010 we will need [a further] 50 million barrels a day. The Middle=20 East, with two-thirds of the oil and the lowest cost, is still where the = prize lies" /Dick Cheney; US Vice-President, 1999/ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 07 11:36:48 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H3csy-0000hx-0f for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 07 Jan 2007 11:36:48 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 7 Jan 2007 13:42:04 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 7 Jan 2007 13:41:58 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: Accyi4MBuQn1kn/ZSXm7wuoqZz3bVA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Cabezas Says Venezuela Plans `Regulation' of Earnings X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 07 Jan 2007 18:36:48 -0000 Cabezas Says Venezuela Plans `Regulation' of Earnings (Update1) By Alex Kennedy Jan. 5 (Bloomberg) -- Venezuelan Finance Minister-designate Rodrigo Cabezas said the government plans to regulate corporate earnings to boost funding for education and health programs. Cabezas didn't specify how earnings would be regulated during a televised speech before congress in Caracas. ``Regulation of earnings, to be used for education and health, will be a priority for us,'' Cabezas said. ``We ask for understanding from financial and economic sectors, but if there's no understanding, with the force of the people, the president and congress, we'll make the necessary reform.'' The government may cap corporate earnings, which would undermine private investment and job creation, said Miguel Octavio, executive director of brokerage BBO Servicios in Caracas. ``It's a very dangerous game,'' Octavio said. ``I don't know if they've thought through the impact a measure like that would have.'' Regulation of earnings would escalate the government's role in Venezuela's economy, the third-largest in South America. President Hugo Chavez has restricted foreign currency trading and set prices for food, electricity and telephone services since 2003. Cabezas, who replaces Nelson Merentes next week as minister and is the president of the National Assembly's Finance Committee, called on congress to pass laws that combat ``capitalist values, such as selfishness and individualism.'' ``We have to confront the concentration of capital in a few hands,'' Cabezas said. ``We can't have companies that just care about making money.'' Venezuela's economy in 2006 grew 10.3 percent, central bank President Gaston Parra said on Dec. 29, as Chavez used record oil income to boost government spending on health, education and food programs. To contact the reporter on this story: Alex Kennedy in Caracas at akennedy1@xxxxxxxxxxxxx . Last Updated: January 5, 2007 14:51 EST From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 07 12:03:39 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H3dIx-00012f-BI; Sun, 07 Jan 2007 12:03:39 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id ; Sun, 7 Jan 2007 14:08:56 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" , Date: Sun, 7 Jan 2007 14:08:49 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: Accyj0NGDYJUyLKmSb+qn6uoJgG+3Q== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Castro on Iraq X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 07 Jan 2007 19:03:39 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ [Marxism] Fidel's Letters Urged Saddam to Get Out of Kuwait Walter Lippmann w Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit =20 [The Cuban archives are a treasure-trove of historical material. Many of their diplomatic files have been made public, but the correspondence=20 between Fidel Castro and other world leaders will be a particularly rich source of information when, someday, it is made available.=20 This excerpt from Chapter 25 of the book "One Hundred Hours with Fidel" contains partial quotes from letters to Saddam Hussein from Fidel Castro during the period leading up to Gulf War I, after Saddam had=20 been suckered into invading Kuwait by the deceptive maneuvers of April Glaspie, the US diplomat in Baghdad. Fidel then comments a bit on the 2003 US invasion and occupation ever since. -NY Transfer] Granma Daily - Jan 6, 2007 http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/secciones/cartas_a_saddam_hussein/artic01.ht= ml The Letters to Saddam Hussein Excerpts from Chapter 25 of "One Hundred Hours with Fidel" Did it seem to you that the war in Iraq was inevitable? In February 2003, a few weeks before the war started, I was in Malaysia attending the Non-Aligned Summit and while I was there, in Kuala Lumpur, = I spoke extensively with the members of the Iraqi delegation and with the = then vice-president Taha Yassin Ramadan. I said to them, "if you really do = have chemical weapons, destroy them so as to facilitate the work of the UN inspectors". That was their only chance of avoiding an attack. And I = think that they did it, if they had weapons in the first place, that is. It = had already been decided that there would be an attack, whether they had the weapons or not. What is your opinion of Saddam Hussein? In 1991, after the Kuwait invasion, he got caught up in a chain of = thought that led to a serious crisis. We voted in favour of the UN resolution condemning that invasion. I sent two letters to him with personal emissaries, recommending that he enter into negotiations and withdraw = from Kuwait before it was too late. In the first missive, dated August 2, 1990, I wrote: "It is with great pain that I write to you, having heard today that = troops from your country have entered the State of Kuwai". "Regardless of the motives that led to such a dramatic decision, I feel = I must express our concern over the serious consequences that this could = have firstly for Iraq and Kuwait, but also for all the countries of the Third World. Cuba, despite the bond of friendship that unite it with Iraq, = must oppose a military solution to the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait. "The immediate reaction of the international community, which learned of = the events from the transnational news agencies, creates a very dangerous = and vulnerable situation for Iraq. "I feel it is very likely that the United States and other allies will = take the opportunity to intervene militarily in the conflict and deal a = strong blow to Iraq. Washington, furthermore, will seek to consolidate its self-appointed role as international and Gulf gendarme. "In this situation, the time factor is decisive, and I appeal to you to = show a willingness to withdraw the troops from Kuwait and immediately work = toward a political and negotiated solution to the conflict, using the good = offices of the Arab League or the Non-Aligned Movement, to which we turn for = help with this. These actions will help to strengthen the international = position of the Third World countries in the face of the United States' role as gendarme, and will also reinforce Iraq's position with regard to international opinion. "What is essential at this time is to avoid an imperialist intervention carried out under the pretext of defending the peace and sovereignty of = a small country in the region. Such a precedent would be disastrous both = for Iraq and for the rest of the Third World. "A clear Iraqi position, followed by decisive and immediate steps = towards a political solution,would help prevent and frustrate the United Startes aggressive and interventionist plans. "Cuba is willing to cooperate with any action that will help to achieve = this solution. "I am certain that my opinions here reflect the thoughts of dozens of countries around the world at this time that have always regarded your country with respect and esteem". There ends our appeal for a just and reasonable solution. Shortly afterwards, on September 4, 1990, in response to a message sent = from Iraq, I ratified the principled position that I had expressed previously = and called for a political solution to that difficult situation that could = grow increasingly complex and murky, and bring more serious consequences for = the world. We insisted once again. One of the paragraphs of the second letter read = as follows: "I have decided to write to you this message, which I ask you to read = and mull over on account of its content, but also because I feel obliged to share with you my thoughts on a decidedly bitter reality; I hope that = they may be of use to you at this time when you should make some dramatic decisions". Further on I indicated that: "It is my opinion that the war shall inexorably breakout if Iraq is not willing to find a negotiated political solution on the basis of = withdrawing from Kuwait. This war could be highly damaging to the region, and in particular to Iraq, regardless the courage with which the people of Iraq = are prepared to fight. "The United States has managed to create a great military alliance that includes not only NATO but also Arab and Muslim forces; and in the = political arena it has shaped a highly negative image of Iraq in the eyes of most = of the international community due to the aforementioned events, which have caused a profound reaction and feelings of hostility in the United = Nations and in many countries around the world.That is to say, ideal conditions = have been created for the hegemonic and aggressive plans of the United = States, while military and political conditions couldn't be worse for Iraq to go = to war. In these circumstances, the war would divide the Arabs for many = years to come; the United States and the West would maintain a military = presence in the region indefinitely and the consequences would be disastrous not = only for the Arab nation, but also for the Third World at large. "Iraq is laying itself open to an unequal fight, lacking a sound = political justification and the support of the international community, with the exception, of course, of the sympathies shown by many Arab countries". These were essentially our thoughts on the matter and we continued to = ask Saddam to change his position: "It should not happen that everything that the Iraqi people have built = over the years, as well as their great possibilities for the future, be = destroyed by the sophisticated weapons of imperialism. If there were justified and irrefutable reasons for this, I would be the last person to ask you to = avoid making this sacrifice. "To consent to the demand of the overwhelming majority of United Nations member countries that you withdraw from Kuwait should never be perceived = as a disgrace or humiliation for Iraq. "Regardless of the historical reasons that Iraq feels that it has on its side with regard to Kuwait, the truth is that the international = community is practically unanimous in its opposition to the methods used. And under = this broad international consensus shelters the imperialist plan to destroy = Iraq and take control of the entire region's energy resources". None of these efforts, however, was successful. Did you ever meet Saddam Hussein in person? Yes, in September of 1973. I was in Algiers, at a Non-Aligned Summit and = was on my way to Hanoi at the invitation of the Vietnamese government. = Vietnam was not yet totally liberated. Saddam Hussein came to Baghdad Airport to receive me. At that time, he was vice-president, he wasn't yet the = President of Iraq; he was leader of the Baas Party. It seemed to me that he was respectful man; he was friendly; he showed me the city, a very beautiful city, with many broad avenues, and the bridges over the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers. I stayed there only one day. While I was in Baghdad I learned of the military coup d'=E9tat in Chile against Allende... >From a military viewpoint, what is your opinion of the defence system = used by the Iraqi forces in that war? We followed very closely that war from March to May 2003. Why didn't = Iraq resist? It's a mystery. Why didn't they blow up the bridges in order to=20 hold back the advance of US troops? Why didn't they blow up the ammunition depots, and the airports before they fell into the hands of the = invaders? It's all a great mystery. Undoubtedly, Saddam was betrayed by some of = his leaders. All nations closed down their embassies in Iraq before the war breakout, except for you. How long did you stay in Baghdad? Our embassy was the last to remain in Baghdad, along with the Vatican's. Even the Russians had left. It was only after the US troops had entered = the Iraqi capital that we ordered our people to leave Baghdad. We couldn't = ask the five people who were in our embassy to defend the premises against = two armies. Our diplomats received safe-conducts and were able to leave Iraq undisturbed. Their papers were issued by an international organization, = not by the Americans. What is your perception of how the Iraqi situation has evolved? In my opinion, popular resistance will continue to intensify while the occupation of Iraq persists. It's going to be a living hell, and will continue to be so. For that reason, the first objective should be an immediate transfer of real control to the United Nations, and the = beginning of a process to recover Iraqi sovereignty and to establish a legitimate government, the result of a decision made by the Iraqi people. But this = must be an authentic, legitimate decision and not one resulting from = elections held under a full neo-colonial military occupation. The scandalous = dividing up of Iraqi wealth must also stop immediately. =20 * =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D= =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D= =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D .NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems . Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us . .339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org .List Archives: https://olm.blythe-systems.com/pipermail/nytr/ .Subscribe: https://olm.blythe-systems.com/mailman/listinfo/nytr =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D= =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D= =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 07 12:48:34 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H3e0Q-0001Ib-OT for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 07 Jan 2007 12:48:34 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 7 Jan 2007 14:53:51 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 7 Jan 2007 14:53:45 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: AccylYoOePLdpD/YQimjYDyFqGWscA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] =?utf-8?q?Chilean_gov=E2=80=99t_decision_on_con?= =?utf-8?q?traceptive_is_controversial?= X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 07 Jan 2007 19:48:35 -0000 THE MILITANT Vol. 71/No. 2 January 15, 2007 Chilean gov=E2=80=99t decision on contraceptive is controversial BY R=C3=93GER CALERO http://www.themilitant.com/2007/7102/710251.html Chile's social democratic government headed by President Michelle Bachelet approved in September the free distribution of emergency contraceptives in public health centers to those over the age of 14. The measure has sparked controversy. Prior to the decision, the contraceptive, know as the "morning-after pill" was available for free only in cases of rape. For the last five years, it has also been available at private pharmacies for those who could afford it. The morning-after-pill can be taken up to three days after intercourse and can prevent pregnancy in most cases, according to medical journals. "We applaud the decision of the Chilean Health Ministry, because we believe it safeguards the rights of women," said Ximena Rojas, assistant director of the Center for the Development of Women, reported the Inter Press Service (IPS) news agency. Opponents of a woman's right to choose abortion have attacked the government's decision. According to IPS, Francisco Err=C3=A1zuriz, the Catholic archbishop in Chile's capital, Santiago, considered "the decision by the center-left government a blow to marriage, the birth rate, and the Chilean family." The national conference of bishops condemned the government's decision for attempting "to regulate the intimate lives of its citizens." Mayors in districts controlled by opposition parties have rejected the decision, and have threatened to ban distribution of the pill in their areas. The government has defended the measure. Ricardo Lagos, a government spokesman, said that sales of the pill "are perfectly legal today, in the eyes of the court." But only those who can afford it have access to it. Abortion is illegal in Chile. Those undergoing the procedure can be penalized with three to five years in jail; those performing it, 15 months to five years. An estimated 160,000 abortions are performed every year there, and nearly 10 percent of women involved die of complications, according to Chile's Health and Sexual and Reproductive Rights Network. Government officials have said that decriminalizing abortion is not on the agenda. "We are not going to do absolutely anything in this area, which is not part of our governing program," said Health Minister Mar=C3=ADa Barr=C3=ADa, according to the December 17 New York = Times. When asked why, Barr=C3=ADa replied, "We are in a coalition." She was referring to the governing alliance made up of Bachelet's Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats. In November, Chile's National Congress voted 61-21 not to discuss a bill that would have allowed abortions when the pregnancy put a woman's life at risk or in cases of rape. Throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, abortion is legal only in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Guyana. ________________________________ * Previous message: [Marxism] Spartacist League critique of = Burkett/Hart-Landsberg on China=20 * Next message: Re: [Marxism] Chilean gov=C3=A2=E2=82=AC=E2=84=A2t = decision on contracept ive is controversial=20 * Messages sorted by: [ date ] [ thread ] [ subject ] [ author ]=20 ________________________________ More information about the Marxism mailing list = =20 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Tue Jan 09 16:21:27 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H4QHX-0000Pj-M0 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 09 Jan 2007 16:21:27 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Tue, 9 Jan 2007 18:26:49 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Tue, 9 Jan 2007 18:26:48 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 Thread-Index: Acc0RaIYGdwOAQZJR2ugOuk/kSfZKw== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] The Global Benefits of Eating Less Meat X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 09 Jan 2007 23:21:28 -0000 A report published by Compassion in World Farming 5a Charles Street, Petersfield, Hampshire, GU32 3EH. UK. http://www.ciwf.org.uk/eatlessmeat/report/html/ Foreword by Jonathon Porritt There's no real logic in the way we address critical resource issues these days. Particular causes rise suddenly up the agenda, and then fall back again into obscurity, as happened with the phenomenon of acid rain through the 1980s, and the plight of the rain forests in the 1990s. Understandably, campaigners tried to pick off "winnable issues", which are usually the ones the media are most likely to get behind - regardless of whether or not they are the most significant issues in ecological or health terms. Policy-makers scurry around dealing with one damaging environmental symptom after another, with barely a moment for reflecting on what the causes of these endless symptoms might actually be. Meanwhile, the world continues to fall gradually to pieces around us as some of the gravest threats to the long-term sustainability of humankind remain all but ignored. I would put the excessive consumption of meat right up there in that category. And though I understand only too well why it is that politicians continue to ignore this particular aspect of food and farming today, I despair at their selective blindness. And once you've read this report, I would be astonished if you didn't feel something of that same despair, having been exposed to the full gamut of consequences of the seemingly unstoppable growth in meat consumption. I write these words as a meat-eater. I've never been a vegetarian, and as a prominent exponent of all things sustainable, have often been attacked by vegetarians for what they see as inconsistency at best and outright hypocrisy at worst. I don't see it that way, though I'm aware that my own personal response to this dilemma (which is to try and eat a lot less meat and buy almost all the meat we consume as a family from organic suppliers) is not available to most people for reasons of price, availability and so on. I am therefore, by definition, "compromised" in this debate, stuck in that tricky grey area between the moral elegance of vegetarianism on the one hand and the outright indifference of hamburger-guzzling carnivores on the other. And that may explain why I intend to focus my comments in this Foreword on the resource issues behind meat consumption, rather than on the welfare issues. Whilst I will always continue to campaign actively to improve the welfare of farm animals, and to eliminate all forms of cruelty from the food chain, I'm reconciled - with those caveats - to the moral acceptability of the human species using other animal species for their own benefit. By contrast, I'm far from reconciled to the grotesque misuse of the earth's resources that our current pattern of meat-eating demands. There's only one realistic framework within which to try and make sense of these issues, and that's to assess what needs to be done today to secure sustainable, dignified livelihoods for the nine billion or so people with whom we will be sharing this planet by the middle of this century. Right now, it's not looking good. All the earth's major life-support systems are increasingly stressed by the ever-heavier "footprint" of humankind, and whilst local environmental conditions in most OECD countries have indeed improved over the last couple of decades, the big global resource problems just go on getting worse. Yet "business-as-usual" mindsets are still in the ascendancy. Our continuing failure, for instance, to ratify the Kyoto Protocol (the sole international measure available to us to start cutting back seriously on emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases) demonstrates conclusively the lengths to which we will go to deny today's planetary reality. Do the sums, objectively, and only one conclusion emerges: if all six billion of us were to live at the same level of material well being as the world's richest one billion currently enjoy, then we'd need at least another three planet earths to provide the resources and absorb the pollution and waste. Faced with such a surreal projection, it's surely time for the concept of "One Planet Living" to become the foundation stone of literally every new policy in every area of human endeavour. As far as food is concerned, the key determinant of sustainability is the overall efficiency with which we use our natural capital (soil, water, energy and so on) to produce the food that we need. As is now well understood, the more meat we eat, the less efficient that ratio becomes. Although there's some controversy about the different ways in which the calculations are done, the basic rule of thumb is that it takes two kilograms of feed to produce every kilogram of chicken, four for pork, and at least seven for beef. The more meat we eat, the more grain, soya and other feedstuffs we need. So when we hear that total global meat demand is expected to grow from 209 million tons in 1997 to around 327 million tons in 2020, what we have to hold in our mind is all the extra hectares of land required, all the extra water consumed, the extra energy burned and the extra chemicals applied, to grow the requisite amount of feed to produce 327 million tonnes of meat. Very few people in farming today (let alone amongst agricultural policy makers) are thinking this through in terms of total resource flows - what goes into the production process and what comes out. If we did any kind of serious "mass balance analysis" of these resource flows, we'd begin to see far more clearly just how unsustainable contemporary agriculture really is. At the moment, the full balance sheet is closed to us, and we can't begin to distinguish between sustainable and unsustainable livestock systems. As Colin Tudge points out in his powerful newbook, So Shall We Reap (Penguin, 2004): `When livestock are raised according to the tenets of good husbandry (the ruminants to eat the grass on the hillsand wet meadows, the pigs and poultry to clear up the leftovers) they hugely increase the overall economy of farming. Agriculture that includes the appropriate number of animals judiciously deployed is more efficient, not less, than an all-plant agriculture. But when livestock is produced in vast (and ever increasing) numbers, needing correspondingly vast inputs of cereal, they compete with the human species. If present trends of meat-eating continue, then by 2050 the world's livestock will be consuming as much as four billion people do: an increase equivalent to the total world population of around 1970, when many were doubting whether such human numbers could be fed at all. 'Much of that growth will come in China, where a burgeoning middle class is rapidly "moving up the food chain" in terms of increasing per capita levels of meat consumption of every kind. As Lester Brown of the Earth Policy Institute has been arguing for more than a decade, this is going to have huge implications for global food markets. China's own grain production fell from 392 million tons in 1999 to 340 million tons in 2003. The higher the proportion of that declining harvest that is required for livestock production, the more China will have to start trading on the global markets, which must inevitably lead to substantial price increases all around the world. In fact (as you'll see in Part two), it is the impact on China's desperately overstretched water supplies that is likely to pose an even greater problem. Water tables are now declining steeply throughout the northern half of China, and with lakes disappearing and springs and rivers drying up, some now argue that Northern China is literally drying out. And that's where much of China's grain harvest comes from. These resource constraints remain invisible to the vast majority of consumers, whatever part of the world we're talking about. We're only just waking up to the fact that climate change is going to have a serious impact on all our lives, and we still don't factor this into our individual purchasing decisions. We've absolutely no idea about how much energy is needed to put any particular piece of meat on our plate, or how much water, or how much feed. The "embedded energy" and "embedded water" are just abstractions to most people. Yet if easy access to fossil fuels or ready supplies of water were taken out of the equation, then the whole "business model" that lies behind today's intensive meat production systems would collapse. And that day is not so far away. There is now a growing consensus that global oil extraction (in absolute terms) will peak at some stage over the next decade - it peaked more than twenty years ago in terms of the amount of oil extracted per person on Planet Earth! From that point on, the laws of supply and demand will assuredly kick in, with the gap between the two growing every year, putting an end to the utterly unsustainable fiction of "cheap meat". And this is where the reality behind the huge growth in meat consumption begins to kick in. Up until this point in the argument, few politicians would dissent from the underlying analysis, though they would probably harbour some sad residual belief that technological progress will get it all sorted out somehow sometime in the future. But to suggest that the sacred cow of cheap meat (which has been a fifty-year, cross-party policy priority) should be not just reappraised, but humanely put down, would have them all spinning in mock populist alarm. But put down it must be. Hardly any of the meat we eat today is as "cheap" as the price on the pack might lead us to believe. It's just that its true costs are hidden, both in terms of the unsustainable drawing down of our natural capital and of the intolerable levels of cruelty to which so many of the 22 billion farmed animals in the world today are subjected. Factor in all the health and food safety impacts of excessive meat consumption, and the notion of cheap meat is revealed as the sick joke that it really is. The truth of it is that we should all be eating a lot less meat and we should all be paying a lot more for it. So why are our politicians so obstinately attached to the concept of cheap meat? They would of course be reluctant to find themselves accused of the kind of "elitism" which I will assuredly be accused of for writing the paragraph above, but there has to be more to it than that. Nutritionally speaking, after all, it's clear that people actually need far less meat than they consume today. Most adults get all the protein they need from cereals and pulses, with meat adding a little bit of extra "high quality"protein, some special fats (not the saturated fats that cause such serious health problems), and other trace vitamins and minerals. Fine, but it's self-evident that one actually needs very little meat to provide those benefits. So most of the meat we eat provides very little nutritional benefit - and massive nutritional impacts, as Mark Gold explains in Part one. So is our putative "need for meat" based more on taste than nutrition? After all, people wouldn't be eating all those hamburgers and bacon butties if they didn't taste good. True enough, but most people find they have a "saturation point" beyond which the thought of any more meat becomes unpleasant - and in different circumstances, with different incentives and different media messages, there's little reason to suppose that peoples' saturation point couldn't be set a great deal lower. Which leaves us with the tricky issue of status. Because meat was so expensive (and relatively unattainable) for most people since the start of the Industrial Revolution, it became a powerful status symbol testimony to a person or family "getting on" in life, a convenient proxy for social and economic success. The novels of both Charles Dickens and Gustave Flaubert, for instance, dwell with unconcealed delight on the privilege of easy access to every conceivable kind of meat, providing a sensory feast from which the poor were almost entirely excluded. But things have changed. Most meat now is really very cheap indeed in terms of the actual price we pay, excluding very few in our much more affluent (though still hardly equal) society. Yet the "cachet" attached to meat eating seems to linger on. Again, it's hard to imagine that this somewhat spurious social and cultural proxy value would persist in an environment where meat eating was exposed for what it really is: fine in much more limited moderation, but otherwise a moral outrage and a threat to ourselves, our planet's life support systems, and to future generations. Can you imagine a world in which meat was discussed in such terms? Where every pack of meat carried either the same kind of warning as now appears on cigarette packets, or the equivalent of the emerging marketing motif ("enjoy responsibly") of those alcohol companies that are beginning to accept the horrific health and social externalities caused by the excessive consumption of their products? Inconceivable? Today, for sure, but for how much longer? In So Shall We Reap, Colin Tudge develops an eloquent argument demonstrating that contemporary food and farming policy has very little to do with meeting human needs, guaranteeing food security, providing high and consistent levels of nutrition and food safety, underpinning rural economies, or supporting farmers' livelihoods (as we are constantly told), let alone minimising cruelty to animals or optimising resources efficiently. Much more simply, it's all about profit: squeezing the maximum financial yield out of every link in the food chain to benefit a tiny number of an already inconceivably rich minority of citizens in the world's richest countries. He qualifies this blazing critique with some wise reflections: `I do not suggest that the rise in meat-eating these past few decades has been a conspiracy, or a simple confidence trick. The farmers who have striven to raise their output of meat have in the main responded, as farmers in every age must always do, to the economic pressures of their day. The nutritionists who urged greater intake were sincere. Politicians concluded that the increase in livestock was good for people, and was in line with people's desires, and was also good for farmers and hence for the economy as a whole - and what else are politicians supposed to do? Yet the whole enterprise has been at least as damaging in the long term, as, say, the arms industry.' Such an analogy will of course outrage most people involved in food and farming today. Let alone the politicians that preside so inadequately over their economic well being. Yet their denial of the cumulative impacts of excessive meat consumption is a major part of the problem. So too is the reluctance of most environmental or conservation organisations to take up some of the issues so powerfully presented in this report, on the grounds (I presume) that they are either not "winnable" or are likely to cause great offence to their own donors and supporters. Be you a vegetarian or a conflicted carnivore (such as myself), the very least we can all do is to challenge that denial, both as consumers (through our purchasing power) and as citizens. Without such a transformation in our attitudes and behaviour, any prospect of a sustainable, secure and compassionate future for humankind is pure moonshine. http://www.ciwf.org.uk/eatlessmeat/report/html/foreword.html http://www.billtotten.blogspot.com http://www.ashisuto.co.jp From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 14:11:48 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5Tgi-0001SA-Mo for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:11:48 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:17:14 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:16:28 -0500 Message-ID: <001501c7368e$ed1571d0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2juzEWdfsGyA7SPWVliZXj7kc3Q== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] test X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:11:49 -0000 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 14:12:37 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5ThU-0001U1-Um for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:12:37 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:18:04 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:17:19 -0500 Message-ID: <001601c7368f$0b5547b0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2jkKYkJckV3JoTlSaSBWrU6gVRwAALpmg X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] =?iso-8859-1?q?_Guant=E1namo_inmates_driven_ins?= =?iso-8859-1?q?ane?= X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:12:37 -0000 =20 > Guant=E1namo inmates =91driven insane=92 There's a reason they call it the Pink Paper! Fucking anti-Americans. =20 If they'd read the WSJ, they'd know that prisoners in Gitmo are =20 living the high life, being treated far better than they deserve. =20 Yummy food, plus lawyers from Covington & Burling. -------- Isn't there a rumor that the prisoners have consented to the whole thing = ? From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 14:28:08 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5TwW-0001jZ-E0 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:28:08 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:33:37 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:32:49 -0500 Message-ID: <001801c73691$36c88fe0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2kTU6ZteL0wbDSTihQMHZUXwIXA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis_de_Sade X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:28:08 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ Marquis de Sade Portrait of the Marquis de Sade by Charles-Am=C3=A9d=C3=A9e-Philippe van = Loo (c. 1761) = =20 Portrait of the Marquis de Sade by Charles-Am=C3=A9d=C3=A9e-Philippe van = Loo (c. 1761) Donatien Alphonse Fran=C3=A7ois, Marquis de Sade (June 2, 1740 =E2=80=93 = December 2, 1814) (pronounced IPA: [ma=CA=81.ki.d=C9=99.sad]) was a = French aristocrat and writer of philosophy-laden and often violent = pornography. His is a philosophy of extreme freedom (or at least = licentiousness), unrestrained by morality, religion or law, with the = pursuit of personal pleasure being the highest principle. Though never = convicted of any crime, Sade was incarcerated in various prisons and in = an insane asylum for 29 years of his life; much of his writing was done = during this time. The term "sadism" is derived from his name. Contents * 1 Life=20 * 1.1 Early life and education=20 * 1.2 Title=20 * 1.3 Scandals and imprisonment=20 * 1.4 Return to freedom, and imprisoned for "moderatism"=20 * 1.5 Imprisonment for his writings, return to Charenton, and death=20 * 2 Quotes=20 * 3 Literary works=20 * 4 Appraisal and criticism=20 * 5 Works about Sade or his books=20 * 5.1 Nonfiction books=20 * 6 Trivia=20 * 7 Fictional works=20 * 8 References=20 * 9 External links=20 * 9.1 About his life and work=20 * 9.2 His works online=20 * 9.2.1 French=20 * 9.2.2 English=20 =09 [edit] Life [edit] Early life and education Sade was born in the Cond=C3=A9 palace in Paris. His father was comte = Jean-Bastiste Fran=C3=A7ois Joseph de Sade and his mother was = Marie-El=C3=A9onore de Maill=C3=A9 de Carman, a distant cousin and = lady-in-waiting of the princess of Cond=C3=A9. Early on he was educated = by his uncle, an abb=C3=A9 (who would later be arrested in a brothel). = Sade then attended a Jesuit lyc=C3=A9e and went on to follow a military = career. He participated in the Seven Years' War. He returned from the = war in 1763 and pursued a woman who rejected him; he then married = Ren=C3=A9e-P=C3=A9lagie de Montreuil, daughter of a rich magistrate, in = the same year. The marriage had been arranged by his father. They would = eventually have two sons and a daughter together. His lifelong attraction to the theatre showed in 1766 when he had a = private theatre constructed at his castle in Lacoste, Vaucluse. His = father died in January 1767. [edit] Title The generations of this family alternated use of the titles marquis and = comte. His grandfather, Gaspard Fran=C3=A7ois de Sade, was the first of = this family to bear the title of marquis.[1] He was occasionally = referred to as the marquis de Sade, but more often documents refer to = him as the marquis de Mazan. But no reference has been found of Donatien = de Sade's lands being erected into a marquisate for him or his = ancestors, nor any act of registration of the title of marquis (or = comte) by the parlement of Provence where he was domiciled. Both of = these certifications would have been necessary for any legitimate title = of nobility to descend legally. But the Sade family were noblesse de = race, that is, members of France's oldest nobility (who claimed descent = from the ancient Franks). Given the loftiness of their lineage, the = assumption of a noble title, in the absence of a grant from the King, = was de rigueur, well-sanctioned by custom. The family's indifferent use = of marquis and count reflected the fact that the French hierarchy of = titles (below the rank of duc et pair) was notional. The title of = marquis was, in theory, accorded to noblemen who owned several = countships. Its use by men of dubious lineage had caused it to fall into = some disrepute. Precedence at court depended upon seniority of nobility, = and royal favor, not title. Correspondence exists in which Sade is = referred to as marquis prior to his marriage by his own father. [edit] Scandals and imprisonment Shortly after his wedding, he began living a scandalous libertine = existence and repeatedly abused young prostitutes and employees of both = sexes in his castle in Lacoste, a practice he would continue later with = the help of his wife. His behavior also included an affair with his = wife's sister, who had come to live at the castle. Beginning in 1763, Sade lived mainly in or near Paris. Several = prostitutes there complained about mistreatment by Sade, and he was put = under surveillance by a police inspector, who provided detailed reports = on his escapades. After several short imprisonments, he was exiled to = his chateau at Lacoste in 1768.[2] After an episode in Marseille in 1772 that involved the non-lethal = poisoning of prostitutes with the supposed aphrodisiac spanish fly and = sodomy with his male servant Latour, the two were sentenced to death in = absentia for sodomy and said poisoning in the same year. They were able = to flee to Italy, and Sade took the sister of his wife with him, with = whom he had an affair. His mother-in-law never forgave him for this. She = obtained a lettre de cachet for his arrest (a royal order by which an = individual could be arrested and imprisoned without stated cause and = without access to the courts). Sade and Latour were caught and = imprisoned at the Fortress of Miolans in late 1772 but managed to flee = four months later. He later hid at Lacoste where he rejoined his wife who became an = accomplice in his subsequent endeavors. He kept a group of young = employees at Lacoste, most of whom complained about sexual mistreatments = and left quickly. Sade had to flee to Italy again. During this time, he = wrote a book, Voyage d'Italie, which along with his earlier travel = writings was never translated into English. In 1776 he returned to = Lacoste, again hired several servant girls, most of whom fled. In 1777 = the father of one of these employees came to Lacoste to claim her, shot = at the Marquis and missed only barely. Later that year, Sade was tricked into visiting his supposedly sick = mother (who had recently died) in Paris. There he was finally arrested = and imprisoned in the dungeon of Vincennes. He successfully appealed his = death sentence in 1778, but remained imprisoned under the lettre de = cachet. He escaped but was recaptured soon after. In prison, he resumed = writing. At Vincennes he met the fellow prisoner Comte de Mirabeau who = also wrote erotic works, but the two disliked each other immensely. In 1784, Vincennes was closed and Sade was transferred to the Bastille = in Paris. On July 2, 1789, he reportedly shouted out of his cell to the = crowd outside, "They are killing the prisoners here!", causing somewhat = of a riot. Two days later, he was transferred to the insane asylum at = Charenton near Paris. (The storming of the Bastille, marking the = beginning of the French Revolution, occurred on July 14.) He had been = working on his magnum opus, Les 120 Journ=C3=A9es de Sodome (The 120 = Days of Sodom), despairing when the manuscript was lost during his = transferral; but he continued to write. He was released from Charenton in 1790, after the new Constituent = Assembly had abolished the instrument of lettre de cachet. His wife = obtained a divorce soon after. [edit] Return to freedom, and imprisoned for "moderatism" During his time of freedom (beginning 1790), he published several of his = books anonymously. He met Marie-Constance Quesnet, a former actress and = mother of a six year old son who had been abandoned by her husband; = Constance and Sade would stay together for the rest of his life. Sade = was by now extremely obese. He initially arranged himself with the new political situation after the = revolution, called himself "Citizen Sade", and managed to obtain several = official positions despite his aristocratic background. He wrote several = political pamphlets. Sitting in court, when the family of his former = wife came before him, he treated them favorably, even though they had = schemed to have him imprisoned years earlier. He was even elected to the = National Convention, where he represented the far left. Appalled by the Reign of Terror in 1793, he nevertheless wrote an = admiring eulogy for Jean-Paul Marat to secure his position. Then he = resigned his posts, was accused of "moderatism" and imprisoned for over = a year. He barely escaped the guillotine, probably due to an = administrative error. This experience presumably confirmed his life-long = detestation of state tyranny and especially of the death penalty. He was = released in 1794, after the overthrow and execution of Robespierre had = effectively ended the Reign of Terror. Now all but destitute, in 1796 he had to sell his castle in Lacoste = which had been sacked in 1792. (The ruins were acquired in the 1990s by = fashion designer Pierre Cardin who now holds regular theatre festivals = there.) [edit] Imprisonment for his writings, return to Charenton, and death In 1801, Napoleon Bonaparte ordered the arrest of the anonymous author = of Justine and Juliette. Sade was arrested at his publisher's office and = imprisoned without trial, first in the Sainte-P=C3=A9lagie prison and = then, following allegations that he had tried to seduce young fellow = prisoners there, in the harsh fortress of Bic=C3=AAtre. After = intervention by his family, he was declared insane in 1803 and = transferred once more to the asylum at Charenton; his ex-wife and = children had agreed to pay for his pension there. Constance was allowed to live with him at Charenton. The liberal = director of the institution, Abb=C3=A9 de Coulmier, allowed and = encouraged him to stage several of his plays with the inmates as actors, = to be viewed by the Parisian public. Coulmier's novel approaches to = psychotherapy attracted much opposition. Sade began an affair with thirteen-year-old Madeleine Leclerc, an = employee at Charenton. This affair lasted some 4 years, until Sade's = death in 1814. One year earlier, a new director had taken over the = asylum, and Sade had lost some of his privileges. He had left = instructions in his will to be cremated and his ashes scattered, but = instead he was buried in Charenton; his skull was later removed from the = grave for phrenological examination. His son had all his remaining = unpublished manuscripts burned; this included the immense multi-volume = work Les Journ=C3=A9es de Florbelle. [edit] Quotes "Imperious, choleric, irascible, extreme in everything, with a dissolute = imagination the like of which has never been seen, atheistic to the = point of fanaticism, there you have me in a nutshell.... Kill me again = or take me as I am, for I shall not change." - Last Will and Testament "Sex without pain is like food without taste". "To kill a man in a paroxysm of passion is understandable, but to have = him killed by someone else after calm and serious meditation and on the = pretext of duty honourably discharged is incomprehensible" - on the = death penalty. [edit] Literary works Many of Sade's works contain explicit and often repetitive descriptions = of rape and countless sexual perversions, often involving violence and = transcending the boundaries of the possible. Sade's libertines founded = their philosophy on a purposeful flouting of moral norms and a hatred of = religious ethics. In nature, they say, the strong win and the weak lose; = therefore all laws and ethics, designed as they are to protect the weak, = are seen as unnatural. Illustration in a Dutch printing of Juliette, c. 1800 = =20 Illustration in a Dutch printing of Juliette, c. 1800 In 1782, while in prison, he completed the short Dialogue Between a = Priest and a Dying Man, expressing his atheism by having the dying = libertine convince the priest of the mistakes of a pious life. The novel The 120 Days of Sodom, written in 1785 but not completed, = catalogs a wide variety of sexual perversions performed on a group of = enslaved teenagers and is Sade's most graphic work. The manuscript was = believed to have been lost during the storming of the Bastille and the = book was not published until 1904. In 1787 he wrote Les infortunes de la vertu, an early version of Justine = which was published in 1791. It describes the misfortunes of a girl who = continues to believe in the goodness of God despite persistent evidence = to the contrary. The companion novel Juliette (1798) narrates the = adventures of Justine's sister, Juliette, who chooses to reject the = teachings of the church and adopt an amoral hedonist philosophy, = resulting in a successful, fulfilled life. The novel Philosophy in the Bedroom (1795) accounts the lascivious = education of a privileged young lady at the dawn of womanhood, = culminating in the rape and mutilation of the girl's mother. The work is = structured as a play and is concise, witty and engaging; the archetypal = Sadean characters are, here, used most effectively. The book contains a = lengthy political pamphlet Frenchmen! One More Effort If You Wish To Be = Republicans! in which Sade advocates for a utopian form of socialism. He = states that laws against theft are absurd: they protect the original = thieves, the wealthy, against the poor who have no option left but = theft. He also argues that the state has no right to outlaw murder if it = continues to sanction institutionalized murder in the form of executions = and war. Laws against blasphemy are seen as pointless: they are not = needed if God doesn't exist, and if He does, he surely won't be petty = enough to care about minor attacks. The pamphlet was reprinted = separately for distribution during the revolution of 1848. In Aline and Valcour (1795) he contrasts a brutal African kingdom with a = utopian island paradise. This was the first book published under his = true name. In 1800 he published a four-volume collection of short stories titled = Crimes of Love. In the introduction, Reflections on the novel, he gives = general advice to writers and also provides a critique of gothic novels, = especially of The Monk by Matthew Gregory Lewis which he considers = superior to the work of Ann Radcliffe [1] = . One notable = story in the collection, Florville and Courval, has itself been called = "gothic" and revolves around a young woman who is unwittingly entangled = in a web of incest. While incarcerated again at Charenton, he completed three historical = novels: Adelaide of Brunswick, Isabelle of Bavaria and The Marquise de = Gange. He also wrote several plays, most of them unpublished. Le Misanthrope = par amour ou Sophie et Desfrancs was accepted by the = Com=C3=A9die-Fran=C3=A7aise in 1790, and Le Comte Oxtiern ou les effets = du libertinage was performed at the Th=C3=A9=C3=A2tre Moli=C3=A8re in = 1791. Several letters written from prison to his wife have been preserved and = were published in 1998 as Letters from Prison. Some of them show a = bizarre and paranoid obsession with the hidden meaning of numbers. [edit] Appraisal and criticism Numerous writers and artists, especially those concerned with sexuality, = have been both repelled and fascinated by de Sade. Simone de Beauvoir (in her essay Must we burn Sade?, published in Les = Temps modernes, December 1951 and January 1952) and other writers have = attempted to locate traces of a radical philosophy of freedom in Sade's = writings, preceding that of existentialism by some 150 years. He has = also been seen as a precursors of Sigmund Freud's psychoanalysis in his = focus on sexuality as a motive force. The surrealists admired him as one = of their forerunners, and Guillaume Apollinaire famously called him "the = freest spirit that has yet existed". Pierre Klossowski, in his 1947 book Sade Mon Prochain ("Sade My = Neighbor"), analyzes Sade's philosophy as a precursor of Nietzsche's = nihilism, negating both Christian values and the materialism of the = Enlightenment. One of the essays in Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno's Dialectic of = Enlightenment (1947) is titled "Juliette or Enlightenment and Morality" = and interprets the ruthless and calculating behavior of Juliette as the = embodiment of the philosophy of enlightenment. Similarly, psychoanalyst = Jacques Lacan posited in his 1966 essay "Kant avec Sade" that de Sade's = ethic was the complementary completion of the categorical imperative = originally formulated by Immanuel Kant. In The Sadeian Woman: And the Ideology of Pornography (1979), Angela = Carter provides a feminist reading of Sade, seeing him as a "moral = pornographer" who creates spaces for women. Similarly, Susan Sontag = defended both Sade and Georges Bataille's Histoire de l'oeil (Story of = the Eye) in her essay, "The Pornographic Imagination" (1967) on the = basis their works were transgressive texts, and argued that neither = should be censored. By contrast, Andrea Dworkin saw Sade as the exemplary woman-hating = pornographer, supporting her theory that pornography inevitably leads to = violence against women. One chapter of her book Pornography: Men = Possessing Women (1979) is devoted to an analysis of Sade. Susie Bright = claims that Dworkin's first novel Ice and Fire, which is rife with = violence and abuse, can be seen as a modern re-telling of Sade's = Juliette.[3] [edit] Works about Sade or his books [edit] Nonfiction books * Marquis de Sade: his life and works. (1899) by Iwan Bloch (download = )=20 * Sade Mon Prochain. (1947) by Pierre Klossowski=20 * Lautr=C3=A9amont and Sade. (1949) by Maurice Blanchot=20 * The Marquis de Sade, a biography. (1961) by Gilbert L=C3=A9ly=20 * The life and ideas of the Marquis de Sade. (1963) by Geoffrey Gorer=20 * Sade, Fourier, Loyola. (1971) by Roland Barthes (Life of Sade download = )=20 * The Sadeian Woman: An Exercise in Cultural History. (1979) by Angela = Carter=20 * Writing and the Experience of Limits. (1982) by Philippe Sollers=20 * The Marquis de Sade: the man, his works, and his critics: an annotated = bibliography. (1986) by Colette Verger Michael=20 * The Misfits: A Study of Sexual Outsiders. (1988) by Colin Wilson=20 * Sade, his ethics and rhetoric. (1989) collection of essays, edited by = Colette Verger Michael=20 * Marquis de Sade: A Biography. (1991) by Maurice Lever=20 * Dark Eros: The Imagination of Sadism. (1995) by Thomas Moore=20 * The philosophy of the Marquis de Sade. (1995) by Timo Airaksinen=20 * Sade contre l'=C3=8Atre supr=C3=AAme. (1996) by Philippe Sollers=20 * An Erotic Beyond: Sade. (1998) by Octavio Paz (review = )=20 * Sade: A Biographical Essay. (1998) by Laurence L. Bongie (review = )=20 * The Marquis de Sade: a life. (1999) by Neil Schaeffer=20 * At Home With the Marquis de Sade: A Life. (1999) by Francine du = Plessix Gray=20 * Sade: from materialism to pornography. (2002) by Caroline Warman=20 * Marquis de Sade: the genius of passion. (2003) by Ronald Hayman=20 [edit] Trivia * The Breeders song "Cannonball" was written about de Sade.[4]=20 * The Stone Roses song "Fools Gold/What The World Is Waiting For" refers = to Sade "These boots were made for walking / "Marquis de Sade" don't = wear no boots like these".=20 [edit] Fictional works Main article: The Marquis de Sade in popular culture Sade's life and works have been the subject of numerous fictional plays, = films, pornographic or erotic drawings, etchings, etc., and other works. = These include Peter Weiss's play Marat/Sade a fantasia extrapolating = from the fact that Sade directed plays performed by his fellow inmates = at the Charenton asylum. Yukio Mishima, Barry Yzereef, and Doug Wright = also wrote plays about Sade; Weiss's and Wright's plays have been made = into films. His work is referenced on film at least as early as the Luis = Bu=C3=B1uel/Salvador Dal=C3=AD film L'Age d'Or (1930), the final segment = of which provides a coda to Sade's The 120 Days of Sodom, with the four = debauched noblemen emerging from their mountain retreat. Pier Paolo = Pasolini filmed Salo, or the 120 Days of Sodom (1975), updating Sade's = novel to Fascist Italy; Sade (directed by Benoit Jacquot) and Quills = (2000 directed by Philip Kaufman based on Wright's play) both hit the = cinemas in 2000; several horror films have used Sade as a major = character. He is referenced in several stories by science fiction writer = Robert Bloch, and Polish science fiction author Stanislaw Lem wrote an = essay analyzing game-theoretical arguments that appear in Sade's novel = Justine.[5] He is also namechecked by the DC Comics character Desaad. [edit] References 1. ^ Vie du Marquis de Sade by Gilbert L=C3=AAly, 1961=20 2. ^ Timeline of Sade's life = by Neil = Schaeffer. Accessed September 12, 2006.=20 3. ^ Andrea Dworkin has Died = , from Susie Bright's Journal, 11 April 2005. Accessed 23 = November 2006=20 4. ^ http://hem.passagen.se/thurston/Interview3.htm=20 5. ^ Istvan Csicsery-Ronay, Jr.. "Twenty-Two Answers and Two = Postscripts: An Interview with Stanislaw Lem = ", DePauw = University, 1986.=20 [edit] External links = =20 Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:=20 Marquis de Sade =20 [edit] About his life and work * Sade, Marquis de. (2006). In Encyclop=C3=A6dia Britannica. Retrieved = August 9, 2006, from Encyclop=C3=A6dia Britannica Premium Service: = http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9064686=20 * Marquis de Sade at the Internet = Movie Database=20 * Marquis de Sade = , extensive assessment of his work, from the upcoming Routledge = Encyclopedia of Erotic Literature=20 * Marquis de Sade , from "books = and writers"=20 * Site about Neil Schaeffer's biography of Sade = , includes some letters = written by Sade while in prison, a timeline, and a bibliography=20 * Timeline of his life = =20 * Biography of Sade = from Channel 4.=20 * A Brief Account of the Life of the Marquis de Sade = , by Anthony Walker=20 * Detailed description of one of de Sade's escapes = =20 * Extensive annotated bibliography = , by Marina = Pianu=20 * Sade y el Poder; Pol=C3=ADtica cuerpo y tecnolog=C3=ADa de la crueldad = , by Diamela Eltit, = Psikeba Magazine. (Spanish)=20 * Arms of the Sade family = =20 [edit] His works online [edit] French * French Wikisource = = , many public domain works by Sade=20 * desade.free.fr , many works by or about Sade, = in several languages.=20 [edit] English * Marquis de Sade elibrary = -- Electronic library = featuring PDFs of 120 Days of Sodom, Philosophy in the Bedroom, a short = story, as well as biographical materials=20 * The 120 Days of Sodom = (online e-book)=20 * Justine =20 * Dialogue Between a Priest and a Dying Man = =20 * Florville and Courval =20 * Works by Marquis de Sade = at Project Gutenberg=20 Persondata=09 NAME de Sade, Marquis=09 ALTERNATIVE NAMES de Sade, Donatien Alphonse Fran=C3=A7ois=09 SHORT DESCRIPTION French writer of pornography and philosophy=09 DATE OF BIRTH June 2, 1740=09 PLACE OF BIRTH Paris, France=09 DATE OF DEATH December 2, 1814=09 PLACE OF DEATH Charenton-Saint-Maurice=09 Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marquis_de_Sade" Categories: 1740 births | 1814 deaths | People from Paris | BDSM writers = | Deputies to the French National Convention | Erotica writers | French = atheists | French dramatists and playwrights | French nobility | French = novelists | LGBT people from France | Lyc=C3=A9e Louis-le-Grand alumni | = Marquesses | Obscenity controversies | Philosophy of sexuality | Banned = writers From rdumain@igc.org Fri Jan 12 14:39:02 2007 Received: from pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net ([207.69.200.28]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5U74-0001lb-JJ for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:39:02 -0700 Received: from dialup-4.249.117.125.dial1.washington2.level3.net ([4.249.117.125] helo=clr-de11k3zglhh.igc.org) by pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net with esmtp (Exim 3.36 #1) id 1H5UCM-0003bV-00 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:44:30 -0500 Message-Id: <5.1.0.14.0.20070112164313.0446e660@pop.igc.org> X-Sender: rdumain@pop.igc.org X-Mailer: QUALCOMM Windows Eudora Version 5.1 Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:46:52 -0500 To: From: Ralph Dumain Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis_de_Sade In-Reply-To: <001801c73691$36c88fe0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"; format=flowed X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:39:02 -0000 Note how full of shit all these French intellectuals are. Adorno/Horkheimer is flawed, although De Sade is an Enlightenment figure. And these feminists are full of crap too. I read all this stuff when I was in high school. Sade's porn is boring, but his philosophy is interesting, if not convincing. "Dialogue between a priest and a dying man" is hilarious. At 04:32 PM 1/12/2007 -0500, Charles Brown wrote: > Numerous writers and artists, especially those concerned with sexuality, > have been both repelled and fascinated by de Sade. > >Simone de Beauvoir (in her essay Must we burn Sade?, published in Les >Temps modernes, December 1951 and January 1952) and other writers have >attempted to locate traces of a radical philosophy of freedom in Sade's >writings, preceding that of existentialism by some 150 years. He has also >been seen as a precursors of Sigmund Freud's psychoanalysis in his focus >on sexuality as a motive force. The surrealists admired him as one of >their forerunners, and Guillaume Apollinaire famously called him "the >freest spirit that has yet existed". > >Pierre Klossowski, in his 1947 book Sade Mon Prochain ("Sade My >Neighbor"), analyzes Sade's philosophy as a precursor of Nietzsche's >nihilism, negating both Christian values and the materialism of the >Enlightenment. > >One of the essays in Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno's Dialectic of >Enlightenment (1947) is titled "Juliette or Enlightenment and Morality" >and interprets the ruthless and calculating behavior of Juliette as the >embodiment of the philosophy of enlightenment. Similarly, psychoanalyst >Jacques Lacan posited in his 1966 essay "Kant avec Sade" that de Sade's >ethic was the complementary completion of the categorical imperative >originally formulated by Immanuel Kant. > >In The Sadeian Woman: And the Ideology of Pornography (1979), Angela >Carter provides a feminist reading of Sade, seeing him as a "moral >pornographer" who creates spaces for women. Similarly, Susan Sontag >defended both Sade and Georges Bataille's Histoire de l'oeil (Story of the >Eye) in her essay, "The Pornographic Imagination" (1967) on the basis >their works were transgressive texts, and argued that neither should be >censored. > >By contrast, Andrea Dworkin saw Sade as the exemplary woman-hating >pornographer, supporting her theory that pornography inevitably leads to >violence against women. One chapter of her book Pornography: Men >Possessing Women (1979) is devoted to an analysis of Sade. Susie Bright >claims that Dworkin's first novel Ice and Fire, which is rife with >violence and abuse, can be seen as a modern re-telling of Sade's Juliette.[3] From Waistline2@aol.com Fri Jan 12 14:43:37 2007 Received: from imo-d20.mx.aol.com ([205.188.139.136]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5UBV-0001mx-HD for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:43:37 -0700 Received: from Waistline2@aol.com by imo-d20.mx.aol.com (mail_out_v38_r7.6.) id w.c36.7c700af (42809) for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:48:31 -0500 (EST) From: Waistline2@aol.com Message-ID: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:48:29 EST Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis_de_Sade To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="US-ASCII" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: 9.0 Security Edition for Windows sub 5352 X-Spam-Flag: NO X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:43:37 -0000 Note how full of shit all these French intellectuals are. Adorno/Horkheimer is flawed, although De Sade is an Enlightenment figure. And these feminists are full of crap too. I read all this stuff when I was in high school. Sade's porn is boring, but his philosophy is interesting, if not convincing. "Dialogue between a priest and a dying man" is hilarious. Comment I was hoping Ralph would comment. Interesting. Sade's latter day obesity informs me much of his most personal mental and emotional state. Melvin P. From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 14:48:01 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5UFl-0001om-QR for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:48:01 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:53:30 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:52:45 -0500 Message-ID: <002d01c73693$fe2a35a0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2k/3WwoWR4IyYSMGgolsegxpjoA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis_de_Sade X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:48:02 -0000 Note how full of shit all these French intellectuals are. Adorno/Horkheimer is flawed, although De Sade is an Enlightenment figure. And these feminists are full of crap too. ^^^^ CB; Which feminists ? ^^^^^ I read all this stuff when I was in high school. Sade's porn is boring, but his philosophy is interesting, if not convincing. "Dialogue between a priest and a dying man" is hilarious. ^^^^^ CB: What's some of his filosophia ? ^^^^^^^ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 14:52:08 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5UJk-0001uI-JG for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:52:08 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:57:37 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:56:52 -0500 Message-ID: <002e01c73694$917da9e0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2lJEsx2FrR1p+Svi4gdxpffaO3Q== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis de Sade X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:52:08 -0000 Shortly after his wedding, he began living a scandalous libertine existence and repeatedly abused young prostitutes and employees of both sexes in his castle in Lacoste, a practice he would continue later with the help of his wife. His behavior also included an affair with his wife's sister, who had come to live at the castle. Beginning in 1763, Sade lived mainly in or near Paris. Several prostitutes there complained about mistreatment by Sade, and he was put under surveillance by a police inspector, who provided detailed reports on his escapades. After several short imprisonments, he was exiled to his chateau at Lacoste in 1768.[2] ^^^^^^ CB; Today's sadomasochists emphasize the consent of the masochists. Doesn't sound like de Sade got consent from those prostitutes. ( Exiled to his chateau. What a terrible punishment ! Like go to your room, Marquis, you bad boy) From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 14:54:19 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5ULr-0001va-C9 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:54:19 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:59:48 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 16:59:01 -0500 Message-ID: <002f01c73694$df2e9460$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2lN328yJoD+VAQMCS8E7eVxZ8bg== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Sadism and masochism X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:54:19 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ Sadism and masochism >From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Flogging demonstration at Folsom Street Fair 2004. =20 Flogging demonstration at Folsom Street Fair 2004. This article is about sadism and masochism as aspects of BDSM. For = sadism and masochism as paraphilia, see Sadism and masochism as medical terms. = For nonsexual sadism, see Sadistic personality disorder Sadism is the sexual pleasure or gratification in the infliction of pain = and suffering upon another person. The word is derived from the name of the Marquis de Sade, a prolific French philosopher-writer of sadistic = novels, plays, and a unique philosophical discourse that championed the = infliction and reception of extreme pain as an art form that to him was both = sublime and beautiful. The counterpart of sadism is masochism, the sexual = pleasure or gratification of having pain or suffering inflicted upon the self, = often consisting of sexual fantasies or urges for being beaten, humiliated, = bound, tortured, or otherwise made to suffer, either as an enhancement to or a substitute for sexual pleasure. The name is derived from the name of the 19th century author Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, known for his novel Venus = in Furs that dealt with highly masochistic themes. Sadism and masochism, often interrelated (one person obtaining sadistic pleasure by inflicting pain or suffering on another person who thereby obtains masochistic pleasure), are collectively known as S&M or sadomasochism. The words are now commonly used to describe personality traits in an emotional, rather than sexual sense. Although it is quite different from = the original meaning, this usage is not entirely inaccurate. There is quite frequently a strong emotional aspect to the sexual desires, taking the = form of a need for domination or submission=97the desire to control another, = or to be controlled, as opposed to a simple desire for pain (which is = technically known as algolagnia). Contents * 1 The biology of S&M=20 * 2 The psychology of S&M=20 * 3 The distinction between S&M, BDSM and D/S=20 * 4 Sadism and masochism in real life=20 * 5 Sadism and masochism in fiction=20 * 6 Sadomasochism in popular culture=20 * 7 See also=20 * 8 External links=20 * 9 Further reading=20 =09 [edit] The biology of S&M This article or section does not cite its references or sources. Please help improve this article by introducing appropriate citations. (help, get involved!) This article has been tagged since June 2006. Pain, violence, sex and love all are associated with the release of a variety of hormones and chemicals within the human body. Furthermore, = humans have been shown to exhibit sympathetic responses in their bodies while watching, hearing, or imagining such experiences. * Levels of sex hormone testosterone can be temporarily affected by one's role S&M interactions. Dominant participants often get raised testosterone levels; whereas submissive participants often get depressed testosterone levels.=20 * Endorphins are released by pain experiences and can be perceived as pleasurable and possibly psychologically addictive. It is due to this = same release of endorphins that people can become addicted to self harm. In = this way, the acts of self harm and engaging in masochistic behavior can be similar in function though most would agree, not in causality.=20 * Brain chemicals such as serotonin and melatonin can be affected by emotional or stressful experiences.=20 * Epinephrine and norepinephrine are released during stressful or painful experiences, and can cause a pleasurable 'rush'.=20 The effects of S&M on body chemistry probably reinforce the behavior and therefore create psychological states that seek to further such = behavior. [edit] The psychology of S&M The terms sadism and masochism were first used consistently to describe these behaviors by the German psychiatrist Richard Freiherr von = Krafft-Ebing in his 1886 compilation of case studies Psychopathia Sexualis, a famous study of sexual perversity. Sigmund Freud, a psychoanalyst and a contemporary of Krafft-Ebing, noted that both were often found in the = same individuals, and combined the two into a single dichotomous entity known = as sadomasochism (often abbreviated as S&M or S/M). This observation is commonly verified in both literature and practice; many sadists and masochists define themselves as "switchable"=97capable of taking = pleasure in either role. However it has also been argued (Deleuze, Coldness and = Cruelty) that the concurrence of sadism and masochism in Freud's model should not = be taken for granted. Both Krafft-Ebing and Freud assumed that sadism in men resulted from the distortion of the aggressive component of the male sexual instinct. Masochism in men, however, was seen as a more significant aberration, contrary to the nature of male sexuality. Freud doubted that masochism = in men was ever a primary tendency, and speculated that it may exist only = as a transformation of sadism. Sadomasochism in women received comparatively little discussion, as it was believed that it occurred primarily in men. Both also assumed that masochism was so inherent to female sexuality = that it would be difficult to distinguish as a separate inclination. Havelock Ellis, in Studies in the Psychology of Sex, argued that there = is no clear distinction between the aspects of sadism and masochism, and that = they may be regarded as complementary emotional states. He also made the important point that sadomasochism is concerned only with pain in regard = to sexual pleasure, and not in regard to cruelty, as Freud had suggested. = In other words, the sadomasochist generally desires that the pain be = inflicted or received in love, not in abuse, for the pleasure of either one or = both participants. This mutual pleasure may even be essential for the satisfaction of those involved. Here Ellis touches upon the often paradoxical nature of consensual S&M. = It is not only pain to initiate pleasure, but violence=97or the simulation = of violence=97to express love. This contradictory character is perhaps most evident in the observation by some that not only are sadomasochistic activities usually done for the benefit of the masochist, but that it is often the masochist that controls them, through subtle emotional cues received by the sadist. In his essay Coldness and Cruelty, Gilles Deleuze rejects the term 'sadomasochism' as artificial, especially in the context of the = prototypical masochistic work, Sacher-Masoch's Venus In Furs. Deleuze instead argues = that the tendency toward masochism is based on desire brought on from the = delay of gratification. Taken to its extreme, an infinite delay, this is manifested as perpetual coldness. The masochist derives pleasure from, = as Deleuze puts it, The Contract: the process by which he can control = another individual and turn the individual into someone cold and callous. The Sadist, in contrast, derives pleasure from The Law: the unavoidable = power that places one person below another. The sadist attempts to destroy the = ego in an effort to unify the id and superego, in effect gratifying the most base desires the sadist can express while ignoring or competely = suppressing the will of the ego, or of the conscience. Thus, Deleuze attempts to = argue that Masochism and Sadism arise from such different impulses that the combination of the two terms is meaningless and misleading. The = perceived sadistic capabilities of masochists are treated by Deleuze as reactions = to masochism. Indeed, in the epilogue of Venus In Furs, the character of Severin has become bitter from his experiment in masochism, and = advocates instead the domination of women. Many theorists, particularly feminist theories, have suggested that sadomasochism is an inherent part of modern Western culture. According = to their theories, sex and relationships are both consistently taught to be formulated within a framework of male dominance and female submission. = Some of them further link this hypothesized framework to inequalities among gender, class, and race which remain a substantial part of society, = despite the efforts of the civil rights movement and feminism. There are a number of reasons commonly given for why a sadomasochist = finds the practice of S&M enjoyable, and the answer is largely dependent on = the individual. For some, taking on a role of compliance or helplessness = offers a form of therapeutic escape; from the stresses of life, from responsibility, or from guilt. For others, being under the power of a strong, controlling presence may evoke the feelings of safety and = protection associated with childhood. They likewise may derive satisfaction from earning the approval of that figure (see: Servitude (BDSM)). A sadist, = on the other hand, may enjoy the feeling of power and authority that comes = from playing the dominant role, or receive pleasure vicariously through the suffering of the masochist. It is poorly understood, though, what = ultimately connects these emotional experiences to sexual gratification, or how = that connection initially forms. It is usually agreed on by psychologists that experiences during early sexual development can have a profound effect on the character of = sexuality later in life. Sadomasochistic desires, however, seem to form at a = variety of ages. Some individuals report having had them before puberty, while others do not discover them until well into adulthood. According to one study, the majority of male sadomasochists (53%) developed their = interest before the age of 15, while the majority of females (78%) developed = their interest afterwards (Breslow, Evans, and Langley 1985). Like sexual fetishes, sadomasochism can be learned through conditioning=97in this = context, the repeated association of sexual pleasure with an object or stimulus. [edit] The distinction between S&M, BDSM and D/S BDSM is a short-hand acronym for many subdivisions of the culture: (B&D) bondage and discipline, (D&S) domination and submission, (S&M) sadism = and masochism. Sadists enjoy inflicting pain; it may or may not be sexual in nature. Masochists enjoy receiving pain, which, again, may or may not be sexual. Dominance and submission is a more internal distinction, a power dynamic rather than a set of acts. Not all masochists are submissive, = and not all submissives enjoy pain. Not all sadists are dominant, and not = all who enjoy dominating others are sadists. [edit] Sadism and masochism in real life The term BDSM describes the quite common activities between consenting adults that contain sadistic and masochistic elements. Many behaviors = such as erotic spanking, tickling and love-bites that many people think of = only as "rough" sex also contain elements of sado-masochism. Note the issue = of legal consent which may or may not represent a defense to criminal = liability for any more serious injuries caused. In certain extreme cases, sadism and masochism can include fantasies, = sexual urges or behaviour that cause significant distress or impairment in = social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning, to the point that they can be considered part of a mental disorder. However, this is an uncommon case, and psychiatrists are now moving towards regarding sadism = and masochism not as disorders in and of themselves, but only as disorders = when associated with other problems such as a personality disorder. "Sadism" and "masochism," in the context of consensual sexual = activities, are not strictly accurate terms, at least by the psychological = definitions. "Sadism" in absolute terms refers to someone whose pleasure in causing = pain does not depend on the consent of the "victim." Indeed, a lack of = consent may be a requisite part of the experience for a true sadist. Similarly, = the masochist in consensual BDSM is someone who enjoys the experience of = pain in a particular context and, usually, according to a certain scripted and mutually agreed upon "scene." These "masochists" do not typically enjoy = pain in other scenarios, such as accidental injury, medical procedures, and = so on. Similarly, the exchange of power in S&M may not be along the expected = lines. While it might be assumed that the "sadist," or "top"--the person who = gives the sensation or causes the humiliation--is the one with the power, the actual power may lie with the "masochist," or "bottom," who typically creates the script, or at least sets the boundaries, by which the S&M practitioners play. [edit] Sadism and masochism in fiction * In general, the depiction of sadism and masochism in fiction tends to be portrayed from the viewpoint of masochistic fantasy.=20 * Leopold von Sacher-Masoch's novel Venus in Furs is essentially one long masochistic fantasy, where the male principal character encourages = his mistress to mistreat him. It inspired a song of the same name, and about = the same subject matter, by the rock group The Velvet Underground, featuring = the lyric "Kiss the boot of shiny, shiny leather."=20 * Edward Hyde, one of the main characters Robert Louis Stevenson's in The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, is described as = experiencing glee when he beats statesman Sir Danvers Carew to death.=20 * George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four might be seen as containing sadism, in that the man O'Brien, when he is torturing Winston Smith, = seems to enjoy doing so. Indeed, he exults in the destruction and despair he inflicts, seeing it as an exercise of power.=20 * The 1971 film Straw Dogs, by director Sam Peckinpah, features a scene where the character of Amy Sumner (played by Susan George) is = "raped" by her ex-boyfriend. The scene is extremely ambiguous, but it is usually interpreted that Amy begins to enjoy the encounter, of which she is the masochistic subject.=20 * In the 1987 film Hellraiser and its sequels, Pinhead (the lead cenobite) feels that there is beauty in suffering and torture.=20 * The novel @Gordon@, by Edith Templeton, is a semi-autobigraphical account of a long-tem sadomasochistic relationship.=20 * Story of O is another classic masochistic novel, written by a woman, Pauline R=E9age. In this novel, the female principal character is kept = in a chateau and educated by a group of men using a wide range of BDSM type techniques.=20 * The novelist Anne Rice, best known for Interview with the Vampire, wrote the sadomasochistic trilogy The Claiming of Sleeping Beauty under = the pseudonym of A. N. Roquelaure.=20 * Terry Brooks' The Wishsong of Shannara features a demon called the Jachyra, which is delighted and excited by pain-- its own and that of = others alike.=20 * In Ayn Rand's novel The Fountainhead, the sexual relationship between the protagonists is characterized by violence and force, which = the female protagonist savours.=20 * The 2001 movie La Pianiste (released with subtitles as The Piano Teacher) describes a relationship between a repressed piano teacher and = her pupil, which ends unhappily when she reveals her extreme masochistic = desires to him, which brings the relationship to an end, but not before he has = made a disgusted attempt to enact his conception of her masochistic = fantasies.=20 * The metaphysical "documentary" What the Bleep Do We Know!? featured a bridesmaid who is shown subconsciously transmitting the message "Make = me suffer please!" to the wedding-guests.=20 * The 2001 Japanese movie Koroshiya 1 (released with subtitles as Ichi the Killer) follows 2 main characters, Kakihara and Ichi. Kakihara is an extreme sado-masochist who has a taste for pain and humiliation, while = also having a taste of delivering pain and humiliation. Kakihara is looking = for the extreme sadist who will grant him his wish of ultimate masochistic release even if it results in his death. (In fact he hopes it does)=20 * A 2002 movie, Secretary, directed by Steven Shainberg, explores the relationship between a masochistic secretary and her dominant, sadistic employer.=20 * The TV drama Queer as Folk includes elements of S&M.=20 * The characters of Dr. Phoebus Farb in the 1960 black comedy The Little Shop of Horrors and Orin Scrivello, DDS in the musical stage adaptation of the same title are comically sadistic figures.=20 * Several pirates, outlaws, and slave-drivers in Brian Jacques' Redwall series are described as cowards who enjoy inflicting pain on = weaker creatures-- only to be slain, often by a hero whom they had = underestimated.=20 * A character in Anne Bishop's trilogy, the Black Jewels Trilogy, is called Daemon Sadi and nicknamed "The Sadist" for his cruelty towards = women (who used him as a personal prostitute).=20 * In Paulo Coelho's novel Eleven Minutes the main character, Maria, experiments with sadomasochism, and her partner has studied the topic thoroughly.=20 * In The New Adventures of Old Christine, Christine comes in her ex's apartment to say she was told that he was bribed into a date. He replies "So, we got married, we had a kid, we tried S&M, we went to Sea World". = She becomes so angry that she wants to throw him against the wall and slap = him as hard as possible. This is followed by a deep erotic stare, = highlighting their feelings still for one another.=20 * In the King of Fighters video game series, Ryuji Yamazaki has a move called Sado-Masochism.=20 * In the game Phantasmagoria: A Puzzle of Flesh, Curtis Craig goes to an S&M club to visit his friend Therese.=20 * In the novels by Jacqueline Carey, the Kushiel's Legacy saga, the main character Phedre is an extreme masochist for whom sex is a = religious experience.=20 * In Sorcerer Hunters, the manga and anime story, Chocolate Misu and Tira Misu are Sadomasochistic dominatrices, and this story have great influence of sadomasochism.=20 * In Darkstalkers, Marvel vs Capcom, and Capcom vs SNK video games, Morrigan Aensland have inclination to Sadomasochism.=20 * In Metal Gear Solid 3: Snake Eater the villain, Colonel Volgin, is a sadist that beats the mole EVA for pleasure. She shows Naked Snake all = her scars from Colonel Volgin in a cut scene.=20 * Marvel Comics has recently created a character named Penance who can only activate his powers by inflicting pain upon himself.=20 [edit] Sadomasochism in popular culture Sadomasochism has also become a popular theme for advertisers who seek = to appear "edgy" or unconventional. Anheuser-Busch, Inc., a mainstream = brewer of popular beers, including Bud Lite, now sponsors the Folsom Street = Fair and Diesel brand Jeans runs ads in major fashion magazines with an S&M theme. [edit] See also =20 =20 Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:=20 Sadism and masochism =20 * BDSM=20 * Safewords=20 * Top (BDSM)=20 * Bottom (BDSM)=20 * Domination & submission (BDSM)=20 * Paraphilia=20 * Algolagnia=20 * Autosadism=20 * Torture=20 * Rough sex=20 * Nexus Books=20 * Black Lace=20 [edit] External links * The Eulenspiegel Society[1] , founded in New York City in 1971 is the oldest SM support group in the US.=20 * The Society of Janus[2] , founded in San Francisco, California in 1974 is the second oldest SM support group in = the US.=20 * [3] , Sadomasochistic photographs of Albrecht Becker, last German survivor of gay holocaust by Herv=E9 Joseph Lebrun, photographer.=20 * Becker le marqu=E9, Quasimodo =20 [edit] Further reading * Phillips, Anita (1998). A Defense of Masochism. ISBN 0-312-19258-4.=20 v =95 d =95 e =20 Paraphilia Abasiophilia =B7 Amaurophilia =B7 Amputee fetishism =B7 Anaclitism =B7 Andromimetophilia =B7 Anesthesia fetishism =B7 Aquaphilia =B7 = Autogynephilia =B7 Balloon fetishism =B7 Biastophilia =B7 Blood fetish =B7 Boot fetish =B7 = Breast expansion fetish =B7 Breast fetishism =B7 Celebriphilia =B7 Chronophilia = =B7 Clothed female, naked male =B7 Clothed male, naked female =B7 Coprophilia =B7 = Crush fetish =B7 Dacryphilia =B7 Dental braces fetishism =B7 Diaper lover =B7 = Emetophilia =B7 Endosomatophilia =B7 Erotic asphyxiation =B7 Erotic lactation =B7 = Exhibitionism =B7 Fat fetishism =B7 Faunoiphilia =B7 Foot fetishism =B7 Foreskin fetish = =B7 Frotteurism =B7 Fruit fetishism =B7 Fur fetishism =B7 Gas mask fetishism = =B7 Glasses fetishism =B7 Glove fetishism =B7 Gynemimetophilia =B7 Hand fetish =B7 = Harpaxophilia =B7 Human animal roleplay =B7 Hybristophilia =B7 Hypnofetishism =B7 = Impregnation fetish =B7 Inflation fetishism =B7 Insertion fantasy =B7 Jacket = fetishism =B7 Jeans fetishism =B7 Katoptronophilia =B7 Klismaphilia =B7 Latex and PVC = fetishism =B7 Leather fetishism =B7 Lift and carry =B7 Macrophilia =B7 Mask fetishism = =B7 Medical fetishism =B7 Microphilia =B7 Mixophilia =B7 Mixoscopia =B7 Mysophilia = =B7 Navel fetishism =B7 Necrophilia =B7 Nose fetishism =B7 Panty fetishism =B7 = Pantyhose fetishism =B7 Paraphilic infantilism =B7 Pedophilia =B7 Plushophilia =B7 = Pregnancy fetishism =B7 Pyrophilia =B7 Robot fetishism =B7 Sadism and masochism = =B7 Saliromania =B7 Schoolgirl uniform fetish =B7 Scuba fetishism =B7 Shoe = fetishism =B7 Silk/Satin fetishism =B7 Smoking fetishism =B7 Sneezing fetishism =B7 = Sock fetishism =B7 Somnophilia =B7 Spandex fetishism =B7 Spectrophilia =B7 = Spitting fetishism =B7 Statuephilia =B7 Sthenolagnia =B7 Stocking fetishism =B7 = Stuck fetishism =B7 Suit and tie fetishism =B7 Teratophilia =B7 Tickling = fetishism =B7 Tightlacing =B7 Total enclosure =B7 Trampling fetishism =B7 = Transformation fetish =B7 Transvestic fetishism =B7 Trichophilia =B7 Troilism =B7 Uniform = fetish =B7 Urolagnia =B7 Vorarephilia =B7 Voyeurism =B7 Wet and messy fetishism =B7 = Xenophily =B7 Yiff =B7 Zoophilia Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sadism_and_masochism" Categories: Articles lacking sources from June 2006 | All articles = lacking sources | BDSM | Paraphilia From rdumain@igc.org Fri Jan 12 14:58:56 2007 Received: from pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net ([207.69.200.28]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5UQJ-0001wv-W8 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 14:58:56 -0700 Received: from dialup-4.249.117.125.dial1.washington2.level3.net ([4.249.117.125] helo=clr-de11k3zglhh.igc.org) by pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net with esmtp (Exim 3.36 #1) id 1H5UVc-0004xu-00 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 17:04:24 -0500 Message-Id: <5.1.0.14.0.20070112170344.045dfa48@pop.igc.org> X-Sender: rdumain@pop.igc.org X-Mailer: QUALCOMM Windows Eudora Version 5.1 Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 17:06:48 -0500 To: From: Ralph Dumain Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis_de_Sade In-Reply-To: <002d01c73693$fe2a35a0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"; format=flowed X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 21:58:56 -0000 The feminists you cite. But of course there are many others who are full of crap, like Sandra Harding, whom I had the displeasure of sitting next to a couple weeks ago. De Sade was imprisoned in the Bastille, BTW. And freed by the Revolution. De Sade is a curious representative of the dark side of mechanical materialism. But as an anti-clerical satirist, he was a scream. Dialogue between a Priest and a Dying Man by the Marquis de Sade http://www.horrormasters.com/Text/a0293.pdf At 04:52 PM 1/12/2007 -0500, Charles Brown wrote: >Note how full of shit all these French intellectuals >are. Adorno/Horkheimer is flawed, although De Sade is an Enlightenment >figure. And these feminists are full of crap too. > >^^^^ >CB; Which feminists ? > >^^^^^ > >I read all this stuff when I was in high school. Sade's porn is boring, >but his philosophy is interesting, if not convincing. "Dialogue between a >priest and a dying man" is hilarious. > >^^^^^ >CB: What's some of his filosophia ? > >^^^^^^^ > > > >_______________________________________________ >Marxism-Thaxis mailing list >Marxism-Thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu >To change your options or unsubscribe go to: >http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism-thaxis From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 15:16:04 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5Ugu-00028i-OZ for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 15:16:04 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 17:21:33 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 17:20:48 -0500 Message-ID: <003001c73697$e9710bd0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2l+kKz+obYzWMRgeOVu7qAnuIFw== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marquis_de_Sade X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 22:16:05 -0000 Ralph Dumain: The feminists you cite. ^^^^^^ CB: The Mackinnonites or the prosex feminists ? What's Sandra Harding's weakness ? From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 12 15:32:05 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H5UwP-0002Nz-No for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 15:32:05 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [68.73.15.81]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 12 Jan 2007 17:37:34 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 17:36:48 -0500 Message-ID: <003201c7369a$260258e0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc2miWZJJwvI7Q+TpqIsEw3d45Raw== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] The Battle of Baghdad X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 12 Jan 2007 22:32:06 -0000 Don't shy away from calling Bush's surge fascist. Charles The Battle of Baghdad By Chris Sanders Jan/12/2007 Ever loyal to his "base," US president Bush looks set to ensure that 2007 will be a bloody, bloody year. The widening of the war continues apace. If there is a surge in anything as this year begins, it is a surge in bad news. The war of our time is widening and deepening steadily. Indeed, the evidence accumulates so quickly it is hard to keep up. President Bush has replaced his theatre commanders in Centcom and Iraq with more politically correct men prepared to follow orders, both incumbents having opposed his desired troop "surge." He has moved John Negroponte to the State Department, replacing him with retired Vice Admiral John Michael McConnell, who, unlike Negroponte, can be relied upon to produce a national intelligence estimate on Iran to fit the plan as opposed to the facts. He has given the green light to the US military to commence covert operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon. He has committed another aircraft carrier battle group to the theatre. He has ordered air strikes against targets in Somalia and backed the installation of a puppet regime in Mogadishu. And of course, he has announced to the world that he is going to send another 21,500 troops to Iraq, most of whom will be committed to the emerging Battle of Baghdad. And just to make sure that there is no mistaking who is next, American troops broke into the Iranian consulate in the northern town of Irbil and arrested six employees and diplomats. It is small wonder that only 26% of the American public views his handling of the war favourably (Gallup Poll January 5-7). What is a wonder to us is the insistent focus by so many on a supposed "civil war" in Iraq. This canard has more lives than a cat, and a surprisingly broad constituency. What passes for a civil war in Iraq is in fact a destabilisation exercise straight out of the manuals (Read Low Intensity Operations by Frank Kitson), with death squads and terror bombings deliberately organised by the occupation authorities. This is a tactic with a long pedigree in imperial "low intensity" warfare and can be summed up in a simple principle, divide and rule, and operationally is executed by the use of timely and well-targeted provocations. The US elevated this to a post industrial level in Vietnam, Nicaragua and El Salvador (read The Phoenix Project by Douglas Valentine). It has been assisted in this over the years by forces from "allied" states such as Israel, which provide covert operational capability in situations where deniability is desirable (Read Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott). Not incidentally, it also has the collateral benefit of confusing the domestic debate at home. The current discussion in the US and the UK about the war is nothing if not confused, since the underlying premise is that the objective of the war was to create a stable democracy in Iraq and manifestly this has not happened, ergo the war is a failure and cannot be won. A perfect example of respectably confused, if not intelligent disinformation, is displayed by professor Juan Cole of the University of Michigan, former head of the Center for Middle East and North African Studies at that university and head of the Middle East Studies Association of North America. Cole's successful career and regional expertise make him the expert of choice for many who question the war. He urgently criticises those who deny there is a civil war, posting that there is a Sunni insurgency fighting a predominately Shi'a government. This is innocuous at face value. Who could disagree with him? Well, actually there is a lot to disagree with. To begin with, if one accepts his argument, one tacitly accepts the legitimacy of the government in Baghdad installed by the Americans and which is commonly recognised to control nothing in Iraq. The rest of the world may choose to recognise that government, but it exists by the grace of American bayonets, and if a large proportion of the Iraqi population thinks it illegitimate, it is understandable. One does not customarily refer to French resistance to France's German occupiers and their French collaborators during World War Two as a "civil war." But even more important is the fact that it has been the Americans in the form of one Colonel James Steel, who, reporting to then ambassador to Iraq John Negroponte, oversaw the training of the Shi'a death squads a.k.a. "security forces" that have been turned loose on the Sunni population, a project euphemistically termed "the El Salvador option." This is not, precisely, since Dr. Cole is so precise, a civil war so much as deliberate mayhem incited, aided and abetted by the occupying power with the objective of forcing the disintegration of the country. However, Cole's views dovetail nicely with the transparent attempt to regionalise the hoped for Iraqi civil war into a sectarian conflict between Sunni and Shi'a, pitting the two most important Gulf powers, Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi'a Iran, against one another. The intention is a replay on a grander scale of the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, in which both protagonists with the aid of the US fought each other to a standstill and in the process weakened themselves considerably. Today we can see the fruition of at least half the objectives of that exercise, the destruction of Iraq as a viable political and military force in Gulf affairs. It strikes us that it is quite unlikely that King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and his government are so stupid as to be drawn into such a trap. On the contrary, America's offensive in the region has accomplished something that six years ago was thought by most analysts to be unthinkable, creating an alignment of Saudi and Iranian interests in the Gulf. This has happened as a direct result of the Bush regime's adoption of an essentially Israeli strategy for the American policy, and transformed the US from being a strategic interlocutor for its allies, Israeli and Arab, in the region, into a partisan protagonist. This has quite thoroughly destroyed the tacit regional alliance that existed through the 80s and most of the 90s between Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Israel and Turkey under American sponsorship. To imagine that the present Saudi government would collaborate with America in a war on Iran as it did in the 1980s in the Afghan war against the Soviet Union is sheer fantasy. If it were to do so, and even assuming such a military campaign were successful, all that would remain for Saudi Arabia would be to fill the resulting void in the sights of the neocons' guns. This is the context in which the president is proposing to intensify military operations in Iraq, the centrepiece of which will be an assault on the resistance in Baghdad. This is reminiscent of the French operation during the Algerian war in the 50s that came to be known as the Battle of Algiers. French paratroops took control of the Casbah, centre of resistance operations, conducted house to house searches and raids, used torture and summary execution, and succeeded in winning the "battle" in a limited tactical sense. It did not destroy the resistance, and strategically it lost the war along with world and French domestic opinion, demonstrating in the process the futility of military "solutions" to what are fundamentally political and ethical problems. In his address to the US Congress, the president turned his back conclusively on the American establishment that bred him, and on the electorate that voted overwhelmingly in November against war. While making the obligatory nod in the direction of that establishment's sensibilities by noting the contribution of the Iraq Study Group chaired by James Baker and Lee Hamilton, he emphatically rejected it by endorsing confrontation rather than dialogue with Iran and Syria. And to drive the point home, he showed the world the identity of his political base with gratuitous flattery of hard line Israeli-firster Senator Joseph Lieberman, who has set up a Senate bipartisan study group to meet behind closed doors using outside "experts" in a blatant challenge to the ISG and more particularly the establishment behind it. A more divisive speech could scarcely be imagined, a more reckless foreign policy could not be devised and a more clear exposition of the crisis in Washington could not be made. The security of Israel has been made the lens through which all major foreign policy decisions are filtered. For the United States this is more than the comparatively trivial matter of the war in Iraq. It represents a constitutional and even existential crisis. To conduct a wider and unnecessary war of uncertain duration and even more uncertain outcome with the approval of only 26% of the population can only happen using repression and intimidation. In short, what the president was really saying to the Congress and the American people is that he is bringing the war home, in order to wage it abroad. http://www.sandersresearch.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=109 0 ____________________________________________________________________________ ________ Looking for earth-friendly autos? Browse Top Cars by "Green Rating" at Yahoo! Autos' Green Center. http://autos.yahoo.com/green_center/ _ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 14 19:10:45 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6HJ7-0000iO-3x for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 19:10:45 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:16:19 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:16:12 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc4SvLKffXNSkK6Tv6S2sjt7fghiAAACYmg Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Progressive Cuba-Bashing X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 02:10:45 -0000 http://www.cjonline.org/rLevinsCubaBashing.cfm Progressive Cuba-Bashing By Richard Levins ^ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 14 19:17:15 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6HPP-0000kC-AW for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 19:17:15 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:22:49 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:22:42 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc4TAjdwPw/RomPQYicQb/ke1qvIw== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Babeuf X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 02:17:15 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ Fran=E7ois-No=EBl Babeuf >From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search Fran=E7ois-No=EBl Gracchus Babeuf =20 Fran=E7ois-No=EBl Gracchus Babeuf Fran=E7ois-No=EBl Babeuf (November 23, 1760 - May 27, 1797), known as = Gracchus Babeuf (in tribute to the Roman reformers, the Gracchi, and used = alongside his self-designation as Tribune), was a French political agitator and journalist of the Revolutionary period. He was executed for his role in = the Conspiracy of the Equals. Although the words "socialist" and "communist" = did not exist in Babeuf's lifetime, they have both been used to describe his ideas, by later scholars. Contents * 1 Early life=20 * 2 Revolutionary activities=20 * 2.1 Propaganda work=20 * 2.2 Societ=E9 des =E9gaux=20 * 2.3 Arrest and execution=20 * 3 References=20 * 4 External links=20 =09 [edit] Early life Babeuf was born at Saint-Quentin. His father, Claude Babeuf, had = deserted the French Army in 1738 for that of Maria Theresa of Austria, rising, it = is said, to the rank of major. Amnestied in 1755, he returned to France, = but soon sank into poverty, and had to work as a casual labourer to earn a pittance for his wife and family. The hardships endured by Babeuf during = his early years contributed to the development of his political opinions. = His father gave him a basic education, but until the outbreak of the = Revolution, he was a domestic servant, and from 1785 occupied the invidious office = of commissaire =E0 terrier, assisting the nobles and priests in the = assertion of their feudal rights over the peasants. [edit] Revolutionary activities Babeuf was working for a land surveyor at Roye when the Revolution = began. His father had died in 1780, and he now had to provide for his wife and = two children, as well as for his mother, brothers and sisters. In the circumstances it is not surprising that he became a malcontent. He was a prolific writer, and the signs of his future socialism are contained in a letter of March 21, 1787, one of a series - mainly on literature - addressed to the secretary of the Academy of Arras. In 1789 = he drew up the first article of the cahier of the electors of the bailliage = of Roye, demanding the abolition of feudal rights. From July to October = 1789, he lived in Paris, superintending the publication of his first work: Cadastre perpetuel, dedi=E9 a l'assembl=E9e nationale, l'an 1789 et le = premier de la libert=E9 fran=E7aise ("National Cadastre, Dedicated to the = National Assembly, Year 1789 and the First One of French Liberty"), which was = written in 1787 and issued in 1790. The same year he published a pamphlet = against feudal aids and the gabelle, for which he was denounced and arrested, = but provisionally released. [edit] Propaganda work In October, on his return to Roye, he founded the Correspondant Picard, whose violent character cost him another arrest. In November he was = elected a member of the municipality of Roye, but was expelled. In March 1791, Babeuf was appointed commissioner to report on the = national property (biens nationaux) in the town, and in September 1792 was = elected a member of the council-general of the d=E9partement of the Somme. Here, = as everywhere, the violence of his attitude made his position intolerable, = and he was soon transferred to the post of administrator of the district of Montdidier. There he was accused of fraud for having altered a name in a deed of transfer of national lands. The error was probably due to negligence; but, distrusting the impartiality of the judges of the = Somme, he fled to Paris, and on the 23 August 1793 was sentenced in contumaciam to twenty years' imprisonment. Meanwhile he had been appointed secretary to = the relief committee (comit=E9 des subsistances) of the Paris Commune. The judges of Amiens pursued him with a warrant for his arrest, which = took place in Brumaire of the year II (1794). The Court of Cassation quashed = the sentence, through defect of form, but sent Babeuf for a new trial before = the Aisne tribunal, which acquitted him on July 18, 1794. Babeuf returned to Paris, and on September 3, 1794 published the first number of his Journal de la Libert=E9 de la Presse, the title of which = was altered on October 5, 1794 to Le Tribun du Peuple. The execution of Maximilien Robespierre on July 28, 1794 had ended the Reign of Terror, = and Babeuf - now self-styled Gracchus Babeuf - defended the fallen Terror politicians, and attacked the leaders of the Thermidorian Reaction with = his usual violence. He also attacked, from a socialist point of view, the economic outcome of the Revolution. This was an attitude which had few supporters, even in the Jacobin Club, = and in October Babeuf was arrested and imprisoned at Arras. Here he was influenced by terrorist prisoners, notably Lebois, editor of the Journal = de l'=C9galit=E9, and afterwards of the L'Ami du peuple papers of Leclerc = which carried on the traditions of Jean-Paul Marat. Babeuf emerged from prison = a confirmed advocate of revolutionary terror and convinced that his = project, fully proclaimed to the world in Issue 33 of his Tribun, could only come about through the restoration of the Constitution of 1793. He was in = open conflict with the trend of public opinion. In February 1795 he was again arrested, and the Tribun du peuple was solemnly burnt in the Th=E9atre des Bergeres by the jeunesse dor=E9e, = young men whose mission it was to root out Jacobinism. But for the appalling = economic conditions produced by the fall in the value of assignats, Babeuf might = have shared the fate of other agitators who were whipped into obscurity. [edit] Societ=E9 des =E9gaux It was the attempts of the Directory to deal with the economic crisis = that gave Babeuf his historical importance. The new government was pledged to abolish the system by which Paris was fed at the expense of all France, = and the cessation of the distribution of bread and meat at nominal prices = was fixed for February 20, 1796. The announcement caused the most widespread consternation. Not only the workmen and the large class of proletarians attracted to Paris by the system, but rentiers and government officials, whose incomes were paid in assignats on a scale arbitrarily fixed by the government, saw themselves threatened with starvation. The government yielded to the outcry; but the expedients by which it sought to mitigate = the evil, notably the division of those entitled to relief into classes, = only increased the alarm and discontent. The universal misery gave point to virulent attacks by Babeuf on the existing order, and gained him a hearing. He gathered around him a small circle of followers known as the Societ=E9 des =E9gaux, soon merged with = the rump of the Jacobin Club, who met at the Panth=E9on; and in November = 1795 he was reported by the police to be openly preaching "insurrection, revolt = and the constitution of 1793". They were influenced by Sylvain Mar=E9chal, = the author of Le Manifeste des Egaux and a sympathiser of Babeuf. For a time the government, while keeping itself informed of his = activities, left him alone. It suited the Directory to let the socialist agitation continue, in order to deter the people from joining in any royalist = movement for the overthrow of the existing r=E9gime. Moreover the mass of the = ouvriers, even of extreme views, were repelled by Babeuf's bloodthirstiness; and = the police agents reported that his agitation was making many converts - for = the government. The Jacobin Club refused to admit Babeuf and Lebois, on the ground that they were "=E9gorgeurs" ("throat-cutters"). With the development of the economic crisis, however, Babeuf's influence increased. After the club of the Panth=E9on was closed by Napoleon = Bonaparte on February 27, 1796, his aggressive activity redoubled. In Vent=F4se = and Germinal (roughly late winter and early spring) he published, under the = nom de plume of Lalande, soldat de la patrie, a new paper, the Eclaireur du Peuple, ou le D=E9fenseur de Vingt-Cinq Millions d'Opprim=E9s, which was = hawked clandestinely from group to group in the streets of Paris. At the same time Issue 40 of the Tribun excited an immense sensation. In this Babeuf praised the authors of the September Massacres as "deserving well of their country", and declared that a more complete "September = 2nd" was needed to annihilate the actual government, which consisted of "starvers, bloodsuckers, tyrants, hangmen, rogues and mountebanks". The distress among all classes continued; and in March the attempt of = the Directory to replace the assignats by a new issue of mandats created = fresh dissatisfaction after the breakdown of the hopes first raised. A cry = went up that national bankruptcy had been declared, and thousands of the lower = class of ouvriers began to rally to Babeuf's flag. On April 4, 1796, the government received a report that 500,000 people in Paris were in need = of relief. From April 11, Paris was placarded with posters headed Analyse = de la Doctrine de Baboeuf [sic], Tribun du Peuple, of which the opening = sentence ran: "Nature has given to every man the right to the enjoyment of an = equal share in all property", and which ended with a call to restore the Constitution of 1793. [edit] Arrest and execution Babeuf's song Mourant de faim, mourant de froid ("Dying of Hunger, Dying = of Cold"), set to a popular tune, began to be sung in the caf=E9s, with = immense applause; and reports circulated that the disaffected troops of the = French Revolutionary Army in the camp of Crenelle were ready to join an insurrection against the government. The Directory thought it time to react; the bureau central had = accumulated through its agents, notably the ex-captain Georges Grisel, who had been initiated into Babeuf=92s society, complete evidence of a conspiracy = (later known as the "Conspiracy of Equals") for an armed rising fixed for = Flor=E9al 22, year IV (May 11, 1796), in which Jacobins and socialists were = combined. On May 10 Babeuf, who had taken the alias Tissot, was arrested; many of = his associates were gathered by the police on order from Lazare Carnot: = among them were Augustin Alexandre Darth=E9 and Philippe Buonarroti, the = ex-members of the National Convention, Robert Lindet, Jean-Pierre-Andr=E9 Amar, Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier and Jean-Baptiste Drouet, famous as the postmaster of Saint-Menehould who had arrested Louis XVI during the = latter's Flight to Varennes, and now a member of the Directory's Council of Five Hundred. The government crackdown was extremely successful. The last number of = the Tribun appeared on April 24, although Lebois in the Ami du peuple tried = to incite the soldiers to revolt, and for a while there were rumours of a military rising. The trial of Babeuf and his accomplices was fixed to take place before = the newly constituted high court of justice at Vend=F4me. On Fructidor 10 = and 11 (August 27 and August 28, 1796), when the prisoners were removed from = Paris, there were tentative efforts at a riot with a view to rescue, but these = were easily suppressed. The attempt of five or six hundred Jacobins = (September 7, 1796) to rouse the soldiers at Grenelle met with no better success. The trial of Babeuf and the others, begun at Vend=F4me on February 20, = 1797, lasted two months. The government for reasons of their own depicted the socialist Babeuf as the leader of the conspiracy, though more important people than he were implicated; and his own vanity played admirably into their hands. On Prairial 7 (May 26, 1797) Babeuf and Darth=E9 were = condemned to death; some of the prisoners, including Buonarroti, were deported; = the rest, including Vadier and his fellow-conventionals, were acquitted. = Drouet had succeeded in making his escape, according to Paul Barras, with the connivance of the Directory. Babeuf and Darth=E9 were guillotined at = Vend=F4me on Prairial 8. [edit] References * This article incorporates text from the Encyclop=E6dia Britannica Eleventh Edition, a publication now in the public domain.=20 * Victor Advielle, Histoire de Gracchus Babeuf et du babouvisme, (1995) paperback, ISBN 2735502120=20 * Ernest B. Bax, Last Episodes of the French Revolution, Haskell House Pub Ltd (1971), hardcover, ISBN 0838312829=20 * Ian H. Birchall, The Spectre of Babeuf, Palgrave Macmillan (1997), hardcover, 204 pages, ISBN 0312173652 or ISBN 0312173652=20 * Philippe Buonarroti, translated by James Bronterre O'Brien, Babeuf's Conspiracy for Equality, Hetherington (1836 - first English edition); = Kelly (1965) hardcover, 454 pages=20 * R. B. Rose, Gracchus Babeuf: The First Revolutionary Communist, Stanford University Press (1978), hardcover, ISBN 0804709491 or = Routledge (1978), hardcover, ISBN 0713159936=20 [edit] External links * Gracchus Babeuf and the Conspiracy of the Equals , documents on Marxists.org.=20 * Gracchus Babeuf and the Conspiracy of the Equals by Belfort = Bax. * Ian H. Birchall, Morris, Bax and Babeuf , review of Bax's book.=20 Retrieved from = "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fran%C3%A7ois-No%C3%ABl_Babeuf" Categories: Wikipedia articles incorporating text from the 1911 = Encyclop=E6dia Britannica | 1760 births | 1797 deaths | French journalists | Natives of Picardie | Newspaper editors of the French Revolution | People involved = in Gracchus Babeuf's Conspiracy of Equals | People executed by guillotine during the French Revolution From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 14 19:24:45 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6HWf-0000sK-Cz for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 19:24:45 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:30:19 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:30:13 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc4TRWIrqSyYAaATWiPM2hqNscf0A== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] =?iso-8859-1?q?Fran=E7ois_No=EBl_Babeuf?= X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 02:24:45 -0000 Fran=E7ois No=EBl Babeuf =09 Babeuf, Fran=E7ois No=EBl , 1760-97, French revolutionary, organizer of = a communist uprising against the Directory . Of petty = bourgeois origin, he was an enthusiastic supporter of the French Revolution. He settled in Paris in 1794 and founded a political journal, the Journal de = la libert=E9 de la presse (later the Tribun du peuple ). In it he argued = that the Revolution had not gone far enough merely by establishing political equality. He was imprisoned (Feb.-Sept., 1795) for his writings, but = emerged an even more violent enemy of economic injustice. Calling himself = Gracchus Babeuf, he formed a secret society that plotted to overthrow the = government; it became known as the Conspiracy of the Equals. It distributed = propaganda and announced a vague program of economic equality=97the right of all = men to work and to share in the products of the economy. The form of communism desired by the conspirators referred mainly to the distribution of goods rather than to means of production. The plot was betrayed to the = government, and after a long trial Babeuf was executed. His doctrines, however, = known as Babouvism, were kept alive, largely by secret revolutionary societies = and by his co-conspirators.=20 Bibliography: See his Defense of Gracchus Babeuf before the High Court = of Vend=F4me, tr. and ed. by J. A. Scott with an essay by H. Marcuse = (1967); P. Buonarroti, History of Babeuf's Conspiracy for Equality (1836); and biography by R. B. Rose (1978). Author not available, BABEUF, FRAN=C7OIS NO=CBL., The Columbia = Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition 2006 The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. Copyright 2006 Columbia = University Press =09 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 14 19:27:39 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6HZS-0000tv-JC for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 19:27:39 -0700 Received: from MLSCBrown (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:33:12 -0500 Message-ID: From: "Charles Brown" To: "'Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired'" Date: Sun, 14 Jan 2007 21:33:04 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook, Build 11.0.5510 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc4TXuRpVix7g/cToC/Ucx9dRFptw== X-Mailman-Approved-At: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 03:52:38 -0700 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] THE BABEUF BICENTENARY: CONSPIRACY OR REVOLUTIONARY PARTY? X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 02:27:39 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ Issue 72 of INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISM, quarterly journal of the Socialist Workers Party (Britain) Published September 1996 Copyright =A9 = International Socialism=20 THE BABEUF BICENTENARY: CONSPIRACY OR REVOLUTIONARY PARTY?=20 Ian Birchall The year 1996 sees the 200th anniversary of Babeuf's short lived = 'conspiracy for equality', an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the moderate = Directory, which governed France, and establish a society based on common ownership = of property. Babeuf has long been recognised as an important precursor of = the revolutionary socialist tradition; in the founding manifesto of the Communist International, Trotsky declared that the new organisation was 'carrying on in direct succession the heroic endeavours and martyrdom of = a long line of revolutionary generations from Babeuf to Karl Liebknecht = and Rosa Luxemburg'.1=20 Yet to English readers Babeuf remains a shadowy figure. Babeuf gets a = name check in most histories of the French Revolution, but very little more. = Only three book length studies have appeared in the course of the 20th = century.2 Partly this is a result of British parochialism, partly it is a result = of Stalinism, which found it hard to reconcile the study of 'precursors' of Marxism with its attempt to transform Marxism into a quasi-religious doctrine. The most important work on Babeuf in the 20th century has been done by anti-Stalinist Marxists: Maurice Dommanget, a syndicalist who = helped to arrange Trotsky's accommodation during his exile in France,3 and = Victor Dalin, a supporter of the Left Opposition in the 1920s who spent many = years in labour camps.4=20 Babeuf's 'conspiracy' is often dismissed as futile or premature, and = Babeuf himself seen as a utopian, a hangover from Jacobinism or a forerunner of Blanqui. The reality, however, is considerably more complex and more interesting. There is now a huge amount of information available on = Babeuf which reveals him to be an original thinker and an organiser of = considerable significance. The following account will concentrate on the episode of = the 'conspiracy' and its political and organisational practice.5=20 Babeuf was born in 1760, in Picardy in north east France. He had no = formal education,6 but acquired a considerable amount of knowledge from his = father, who was an army deserter turned taxman. Babeuf may even have learnt some Latin; certainly he always retained a deep enthusiasm for ancient Rome. Later on he was to adopt the forename 'Gracchus', after the Roman = advocate of the 'agrarian law' (the redistribution of the land). As a teenager he spent a couple of years performing hard manual labour, working on the Picardy canal. Before the development of machinery, canal building = required an army of thousands of labourers, and Babeuf was thus introduced to the wage earning working class which was beginning to emerge in France at = this time. Then he became a feudiste, employed by landowners to search = through documents in order to re-establish feudal rights. He claimed later that = it was in the course of this work that he had discovered that the origins = of private property, and hence of human inequality, lay in the violence and deception of the landowners.=20 Babeuf was an enthusiastic supporter of the French Revolution, from the storming of the Bastille through to the establishment of the Republic = and the execution of the king. He was invariably on the side of the popular masses who wanted to take the revolution forward towards greater = economic and political equality, and against those moderate elements who wanted = to call a halt before their own privileges were destroyed. Until 1793 he = spent most of his time in Picardy. His old profession had been made obsolete = by the revolution, and instead he made several rather unsuccessful attempts = to launch newspapers. He was also involved in a number of campaigns against unfair taxation.=20 In February 1793 he went to Paris, and found employment in the = organisation that administered food supplies. Later that year he was jailed on a = rather dubious charge of forgery dating back to his days in Picardy. He was released from prison in July 1794, just ten days after the fall of Robespierre and the Jacobins. The most radical phase of the revolution = had been brought to an end by the moderate bourgeoisie, who wished to ensure that their own wealth and status were not threatened. But at the same = time Robespierre had eroded his own support among the poorest sections of the Paris population; in particular the imposition of wage controls had alienated the emergent working class.=20 Initially Babeuf welcomed the fall of Jacobin rule. He had not been particularly sympathetic to Robespierre's most vigorous left wing = critics, the so-called enrag=E9s, but as one who had a deep commitment to = enriching democratic forms, he distrusted Robespierre's authoritarianism. In particular he was hostile to the repressive measures used during the = civil war that had raged in the Vend=E9e in western France.=20 Soon the realities of the new regime began to manifest themselves; the = rich sought to line their own pockets while the poor faced increasing = hardship. The well off flaunted their prosperity in luxury restaurants while the streets were full of starving people. The government was now in the = hands of a five man Directory, and in Paris gangs of muscadins or 'gilded youth' emerged, bunches of thugs who launched physical attacks on the remaining groups of pro-Jacobins.=20 Babeuf had by this time launched a new paper, the Tribun du Peuple = (People's Tribune). While the early issues were critical of the Jacobins, he did = not hesitate long before recognising where the battle lines lay. His = response to the strongarm tactics being used against the remaining Jacobins was = quite unambiguous:=20 If you want civil war, you can have it... You've cried 'To arms'. We've = said the same to our people.7=20 Not surprisingly he soon found himself in jail again, and he spent most = of 1795 locked up.=20 Babeuf was now vigorously opposed to the Directory, but he did not = simply wish to revert to the period of Jacobin rule. He had developed a quite distinctive position which it is entirely legitimate to describe as 'socialist'. Of course the word 'socialist' was not yet in currency. = Babeuf usually described his position as the advocacy of 'true equality' or = 'common happiness'. But his aim of a society based on economic equality and = common ownership of property is clearly recognisable as what later became known = as socialism. Before 1789 Babeuf had been deeply influenced by the ideas of some of the 18th century utopian communists; during the revolution he = had always combined activism with intensive reading and theoretical = speculation. Of course Babeuf did not think in terms of the distinction subsequently = made by Marxists between 'bourgeois' and 'socialist' revolutions. His concern = was always that the revolution should be continued to its logical = conclusion, to fight against those who wished to stop it half way or roll back the = gains already made. But his goal was quite clearly a society which would be = based on economic as well as juridical equality, and which would therefore = have no place for private property.=20 While in prison he had an extensive correspondence with Charles Germain, later to be one of the leaders of the 'conspiracy'. In one of his = letters Babeuf set out a devastating critique of the market economy which has = lost none of its power two centuries later:=20 Competition, far from aiming at perfection, submerges conscientiously = made products under a mass of deceptive goods contrived to dazzle the public, competition which achieves low prices only by obliging the worker to = waste his skill in botched work, by starving him, by destroying his moral standards through lack of scruples; competition gives the victory only = to whoever has most money; competition, after the struggle, ends up simply = with a monopoly in the hands of the winner and the withdrawal of low prices; competition which manufactures any way it likes, at random, and runs the risk of not finding any buyers and destroying a large amount of raw = material which could have been used usefully but which will no longer be good for anything.8=20 Some historians concede that Babeuf personally had developed a socialist position, but claim that his following came only from those nostalgic = for the good old days of Robespierre when they were better fed. Obviously = any political movement will be perceived in different ways by different = sections of its audience, according to their degree of political sophistication. = But the Analysis of Babeuf's Doctrine, which was widely distributed as a = leaflet and flyposted all over Paris, contains a pretty clear statement of = Babeuf's fundamental position:=20 * Nature has given every man an equal right to enjoy all goods.=20 * The aim of society is to defend this equality, often attacked by the strong and wicked in the state of nature, and to increase, by the co-operation of all, the common enjoyments.=20 * ...There is oppression when one person is exhausted by work and lacks everything, while another wallows in abundance without doing anything.=20 * No-one can, without committing a crime, appropriate to his exclusive possession the fruits of the earth or of industry.=20 * In a true society, there must be neither rich nor poor.=20 On leaving jail on 12 October 1795, Babeuf faced the fundamental problem = of how to pursue his socialist goal and at the same time relate to the immediate situation of crisis he saw around him. For Babeuf the policies = of the Directory were not only reactionary in themselves, but opened the = door to a much more sinister danger. Royalist plotting was intensifying, = while among the common people many were beginning to wonder whether the whole revolutionary experience had been worthwhile. The danger of a monarchist coup which would overthrow the Republic and destroy all the gains of the revolution was a very real threat. If the Directory was not overthrown = from the left then there was a good chance it would be overthrown from the = right. The Directory was performing a perilous balancing act between Royalists = and Republicans, but at any moment it might lose its balance.=20 To respond to such a situation, organisation was necessary. Over the previous couple of years, especially when he was in prison, Babeuf had gathered together a tiny nucleus of like minded revolutionaries (paradoxically the prisons provided a means of bringing opponents of the regime together). Notable among them were Buonarroti, an Italian = disciple of Rousseau who had served the revolutionary government in Corsica and had become a French citizen; Sylvain Mar=E9chal, a poet and militant atheist = who had devised an early version of the revolutionary calendar; and Charles Germain, a professional soldier since the age of 17, deeply influenced = by both 18th century materialism and the Anabaptists.9=20 In the autumn of 1795 various critics of the regime had attempted to = revive the Jacobin tradition of revolutionary clubs by setting up the = Panth=E9on Club. This met in a former religious building close to the Panth=E9on in = what is now the Latin Quarter (just down the road from the area where the = first barricades went up in the rebellion of 1968). Often the members met = sitting on the floor in a basement by torchlight. Babeuf, Buonarroti and others participated in these meetings. By February 1796 the Directory decided = that the club must be closed down. A young general who was rapidly making a = name for himself, Bonaparte, took personal responsibility for the operation.=20 Babeuf now faced a difficult choice between different ways forward. He himself was clearly a socialist. But he did not have enough co-thinkers = to engage in anything other than the most abstract propaganda. He had been writing a book to be entitled Equality; if he had completed it, he would have been listed among the utopian communists of the late 18th century, known only to specialists of the esoteric. Alternatively he could have trailed along with the ex-Jacobins, anxious to turn the clock back to = the golden days of Robespierre. In that event his distinctive contribution = would have been totally submerged.=20 The significance of Babeuf is that he accepted neither of these alternatives, but strove for a solution which overcame the dilemma. He = made no secret of his socialist ideas, and put them forward in his mass propaganda; but he also accepted the necessity of working with, and attempting to mobilise, those whose ideas did not go beyond = Robespierre's. In particular, Babeuf and his supporters used as one of their = agitational demands the restoration of the Jacobin Constitution of 1793. This had included the defence of the right to property. Babeuf and his associates = did not conceal their criticism of this point, but at the same time saw the appeal to the 1793 Constitution as one which could rally the masses of common people in Paris. Here we see Babeuf grappling with two problems = that have returned, in different forms, for revolutionaries of later = generations: how to make alliances that will be effective in practice without compromising the basic goals of the movement; and how to relate short = term demands that win popular support to the long term perspective of social transformation.=20 Thus was born the 'conspiracy for equality'. Before going any further it = is necessary to clarify the use of the term conspiracy. When Babeuf and his associates were put on trial in 1797, the main charge used against them = was that of conspiracy, a charge to be used repeatedly against socialists = and trade unionists for the following two centuries. And when, in 1828, Buonarroti published his influential history of the events, he gave it = the title Babeuf's Conspiracy For Equality. So we seem to be stuck with the = term (even though it is a notoriously slippery one that meant quite different things to state prosecutors and to revolutionary activists).=20 But it is important not to jump from the word to a notion of conspiracy = that involves a tiny group operating secretly and manipulatively behind the = backs of the masses. Nothing could be further from the reality of the activity = of Babeuf. Indeed, when the state prosecutor at Babeuf's trial in Vend=F4me = began his case against the alleged 'conspirators', he described their methods = as follows:=20 Their means were the publication and distribution of anarchistic = newspapers, writings and pamphlets...the formation of a multitude of little clubs = run by their agents; it was the establishment of organisers and flyposters; it = was the corrupting of workshops; it was the infernal art of sowing false = rumours and spreading false news, of stirring up the people by blaming the government for all the ills resulting from current circumstances.10 0=20 Such activity scarcely conforms to the common notion of 'conspiracy'; = indeed much of it will seem remarkably familiar to most readers of this = journal.=20 Certainly the organisation adopted a semi-clandestine structure; this = was necessitated by the degree of political repression prevailing under the Directory. For example, the advocacy of the 1793 Constitution was = punishable by death and indeed it was for this advocacy that Babeuf and Darth=E9 = were executed after the jury had thrown out the conspiracy charges.=20 At the centre of the organisation was a committee of seven men, = including Babeuf, Buonarroti and Mar=E9chal. 'Agents' (full time organisers) were appointed for each of the 12 arrondissements of Paris. However, the = agents were not to know each other's identities, and neither were they to know = who was on the secret central committee (though of course Babeuf himself, = who was living in hiding, was publicly identified with the organisation). Instead an 'intermediate agent' was to have responsibility for all communication between the agents and the centre. In theory the = 'intermediate agent' was not supposed to know the content or significance of the communications he was carrying; in fact he was an experienced political activist and almost certainly knew what he was doing.=20 Many historians have tried to see the centralisation of the Babeuf organisation as a sinister forerunner of Leninism =AD and hence of = Stalinism. There is little substance to this claim. The basic principle was that no member of the organisation should know more than was necessary for the exercise of their particular functions. It is a principle that is no = more than common sense in any situation where an organisation is likely to be subject to infiltration, and where individuals risk interrogation. If it = is a principle that has been applied by Leninist parties in certain = conditions, it is also one that has been used by a wide range of political = organisations under conditions of repression =AD for example resistance movements in = the Second World War.=20 A vigorous correspondence was maintained between the centre and the = agents; circulars were sent out almost daily, and regular reports were received = back from the agents. Of course everything had to be copied by hand, and = Babeuf himself did copying work amid his many other tasks.=20 The 'conspirators' were guilty of one serious lapse of security. Copies = of all outgoing and incoming correspondence were carefully stored =AD and = seized by the authorities at the time of Babeuf's arrest. They were = subsequently published in two large volumes and used as the basis of the prosecution = case against Babeuf at the Vend=F4me trial to show just how dangerous the conspiracy had been.11 Babeuf's heirs would be well advised to learn the lesson and invest in a paper-shredder =AD but historians can scarcely = regret the mistake since the documents provide us with an incomparable source = that enables us to get a real sense of just how the conspiracy worked.=20 The role of the agents was central to the whole organisation. They = received a small payment =AD the equivalent of a worker's wage. In return the = centre's expectations were high. If the agents did not carry out their duties adequately they received stinging rebukes and, in at least one case, threats. A dilatory agent received a letter with the ominous conclusion: 'Remember that what you were told in your first instruction is still = valid: "our only loss would be you, and even if you were ill intentioned, you = could not harm us".'12=20 But generally the agents seem to have worked well. Their relation with = the centre was a two way process. They were given instructions, but also = asked to report regularly on the circumstances in their districts. Some of the information required was of direct practical relevance =AD for example = the location of arms stores. But the crucial task of the agents was to = report on the 'thermometer of opinion' =AD that is, the state of consciousness = among the common people in their areas. There are reports of disputes in shops and snatches of conversation overheard in the streets =AD all designed to = give an impression of the popular mood. Far from going behind the backs of the people, the conspirators knew that they could only have any success by relating to the feelings and attitudes of the common people.=20 Moreover, the job of the agents was not to substitute themselves for the masses, but rather to facilitate popular organisation. They were told to 'multiply small meetings as much as you can'. To avoid the dangers of infiltration these were to be held in private homes rather than cafes. = Most importantly, a large number of small meetings was to be preferred to bringing too many people together at the same time.13=20 The whole operation was run on a shoestring; if agents were given = expenses, it was grudgingly and with the reminder: 'Be aware that this revolution = is not undertaken by aristocrats, and if it were, you wouldn't want to = serve it...the only funds come from the contributions of sans-culottes'.14=20 Of course, a newspaper was central to the organisation of the = conspiracy. Babeuf's Tribun du Peuple had existed well before the conspiracy came = into existence, but the last issues were put at the service of the = organisation. Indeed, Babeuf always saw his paper as an organiser rather than simply a journalistic enterprise.=20 The circulation of the Tribun du Peuple was probably around 2,000. Undoubtedly it played a key role in diffusing Babeuf's ideas and giving = an analysis of the contemporary situation. Some historians have used the subscription list of the journal to give an account of the nature of Babeuf's popular support.15 This is, however, an unreliable source. The Tribun du Peuple was a theoretical journal, often difficult to = understand for those unversed in political debate. Moreover, it was expensive. Naturally enough it was the better off, more educated supporters of the conspiracy who subscribed to the journal. The poor artisans and wage workers, who constituted Babeuf's natural target audience, were often = too poor to subscribe and were sometimes illiterate. Among soldiers, who = were another key section of the audience, the situation was even worse: one estimate is that among the troops, largely of peasant origin, who were stationed in Paris, only 10 percent could read and write. Moreover, not = all subscriptions were individual; it was a common practice for political newspapers to be read aloud in inns and lemonade shops, so the ideas had = a wider currency than crude subscription data would suggest.=20 However, because of the limitations on the Tribun du Peuple, Babeuf recognised the necessity for other forms of propaganda. Alongside the = Tribun du Peuple another paper was launched in the spring of 1796, namely L'Eclaireur (The Scout). This was written in a much more popular style, = and rather than pursuing theoretical analysis it aimed at radical exposure journalism. Thus the luxurious lifestyle of the members of the Directory = was exposed =AD for example, when each member of the Directory was having = eight dozen specially embroidered handkerchiefs made. And the paper took an interest in a high official called Merlin who was reported to have = several 'nymphs' from the Op=E9ra as his mistresses.=20 An even wider audience was reached with flyposting. The use of posters = had been widespread during the revolution, but Babeuf's supporters used them = to particular effect. The authorities recognised the danger and constantly = had them removed, but the reports from the agents show how successful the activity was. Thus in the second arrondissement a policeman tore down a poster, but was immediately confronted by an 'energetic patriot' who = said: 'Rogue, you have come to rob the people of the truth which we want them = to know; you are an agent of those who are starving us.' At this, the = readers of the poster applauded and the policeman had to run for his life.16 In = the seventh arrondissement some 2,000 people were said to have queued up to = read a poster addressed to soldiers.17=20 Another method of propagating ideas even among the illiterate was the = use of songs. A focal point for that activity was a cafe known as the 'Chinese Baths', where Sophie Lapierre won an audience for the ideas of the conspiracy. Lapierre had been a school teacher and an embroiderer; she = was tried at Vend=F4me and behaved with the utmost courage, refusing to = recognise the legitimacy of the court and leading the prisoners in song in = defiance of the judges. While the songs did not have a high degree of political sophistication, they made the basic point about human equality in vivid fashion. For example:=20 Benevolent Mother Nature You created us to be equal! So why the murderous inequality Of property and of work? Awake to the sound of our voice Come forth out of the dark night People! Take back your rights The sun shines for everyone.18 Another of the tasks of the agents was to compile contact lists =AD = lists of all the 'patriots' in their area who might be sympathetic to the aims of = the conspiracy and who could be called on for action. The lists that = survived are often of a remarkable frankness, showing no illusions in the = political sophistication of those referred to. Thus one list names 'the Fleurie brothers, horse dealers, living near the market, excellent in a fight = and that's all'.19 In another case a certain Himbert was described as an = 'ardent and courageous patriot', fit for a position of command, but the agent = warned that due to his excitable temperament he should not be informed of his = role till the last moment.20=20 But while it was necessary to be honest about the potential of contacts, = the aim was always to draw them in rather than to create barriers; a letter = to the agent of the sixth arrondissement in Babeuf's own hand states: 'If people are still susceptible to conversion, it is better to win them = over than to reject them from our ranks, because in that way we increase our party and diminish that of our opponents'.21=20 More prosperous supporters were, of course, not neglected; a circular to agents tells them: 'You will encourage...well-off patriots to contribute towards the enormous printing costs that revolutionaries are obliged to bear'.22 A variety of talented people were attracted by the movement; = among Babeuf's sympathisers was Valentin Ha=FCy, a pioneer of education for = the blind and the original inventor of the system of printing now known as braille.=20 The whole purpose of the work of the agents was to ensure that the conspiracy was rooted in the various localities. Certainly there is some evidence that Babeuf was popular among the common people in some = districts. A letter from Babeuf's elder son, Emile, aged only ten but active in organising the conspiracy, tells how he went into a shop to buy some medicine and when he told the shopkeeper he was Babeuf's son, she cut = one third off the price.23=20 Daniel Gu=E9rin, following Dommanget, has argued that Babeuf should have concentrated more exclusively on working class struggles.24 To have done = so would have condemned Babeuf to mere propagandism; the working class = alone was still too small to challenge the Directory. Only an alliance of wage workers and other sans-culottes could have any hope of making an impact. = But it is also important to recognise that there was a substantial = working class in Paris in the 1790s, and that Babeuf and his supporters did make every effort to relate to it. As well as large numbers of market porters (who had on one occasion saved Babeuf from arrest by hurling mud and = rubbish at a policeman who was pursuing him) and dockers (Paris was at this time = a major port), there were a number of quite substantial factories and workshops, a few employing hundreds of workers, many employing more than = 20 or 30.=20 The agents were particularly instructed to examine conditions and = attitudes in the workshops in their areas. The results are somewhat mixed. In the = 12th arrondissement the agent reported that there was little potential at the Gobelins tapestry factory, which employed around 100 workers. As was = often the case with the luxury industries, workers were afraid that any attack = on the privileged classes who bought their products would mean a fall in = sales. But the agent also found a dye works with some 30 workers, and about 20 tanneries with between 15 and 50 workers each, where the prospects were rather more hopeful.25 The same agent reported that there was growing unemployment, which was making more workers think of the Robespierre = period as one of greater prosperity. The agent of the eighth arrondissement reported on a wage dispute where an employer had given his workers a = rise to cover the falling value of paper money, but had in fact not compensated = them adequately.26 Thus, while it would be quite wrong to claim that the = Babeuf conspiracy was a specifically proletarian movement, it would also be = wrong to ignore how relevant wage workers were to it.=20 Mention should also be made of the role of women in the conspiracy. = Babeuf had long been sensitive to the fact of women's oppression; as early as = 1786 he had written a long letter analysing the roots of this oppression.27 = In a reply to the agent of the eighth arrondissement the central committee = wrote: 'We know the influence that can be exercised by this interesting sex, = who do not bear the yoke of tyranny any more indifferently than we do, and who = are no less courageous when it comes to taking action to break it'.28=20 A number of women played a key role in the conspiracy, including Sophie Lapierre and Babeuf's wife, Marie-Anne-Victoire Longlet, who had responsibility for distribution of the Tribun du Peuple. Several women = were put on trial at Vend=F4me; all were acquitted, though one contemporary = report tells how after the verdict Charles Germain gloated that the jury had = been duped, for it had been the women who encouraged the men.29=20 The conspiracy centred on Paris, but considerable work was done to = ensure support on a national level. Recent research by Jean-Marc Schiappa has = shown that the conspiracy had an extensive network of supporters in various regions of the country, notably in Babeuf's home territory of Picardy, = and in the Mediterranean south.30=20 The conspiracy also devoted great attention to agitation within the = army, recognising that unless the soldiers could be drawn over to the side of = the revolutionary forces, any rising would be crushed. Prospects for support looked encouraging. Since the heroic days of the defence of the Republic = a couple of years earlier, the morale of the army had fallen = catastrophically, a situation which was most clearly expressed in a massive level of desertions. One of Babeuf's supporters reported that most soldiers = stationed in Paris would 'gladly swap the Republic for a cake from their home village'.31=20 Another report gave a vivid account of the miseries of military life and = the grievances of soldiers:=20 The soldier...is today not only dying of hunger, but he has no shoes and = no clothes; he can't have his shirt laundered, because that costs 30 = francs, and where would he get them?...he is also annoyed, vexed and crushed = under a heap of tortures graced with the name of military discipline, and at = bottom it is a tyranny which is much more highly perfected than under the noble ministers of Louis XVI.32=20 The conspirators made great efforts to win support in the army. Much of = the propaganda material aimed at soldiers was carefully written in = colloquial, earthy language, full of obscenities, designed to appeal to the = military: 'We're fucked, my poor friend..., yes, we're fucked and flat broke if we swallow the pill they've shoved in our gobs'.33 A poster called 'Soldier Stop And Read' urged, 'No! Citizen soldiers! You will not shoot at your brothers...'34=20 At the end of April the Police Legion mutinied. This was a body = organised by Bonaparte to ensure security in the capital. Its members were recruited = from the Parisian popular classes and many of its soldiers were profoundly hostile to the Directory. But Babeuf's supporters were not strong enough = to generalise the movement. The rising was crushed and 17 militant soldiers were shot.=20 Detailed plans continued to be made for the insurrection. Banners and pennants were planned; snipers were organised and arrangements were made = to seize food stores and the National Treasury; it was planned that all property in pawnshops would be handed back to its owners, a measure = designed to win great support among the poor. Buonarroti claimed there were = 17,000 men ready for the insurrection.35 But it was not to be. A government informer, Grisel, had made his way into the organisation, and the conspirators, quite correctly anxious to welcome and make use of a man = who seemed well informed and influential in the army, were too open in the = way they received him and allowed him to gain information.=20 On 10 May 1796 the police arrested Babeuf and Buonarroti, seizing = documents and arms. The following year the main conspirators were put on trial at Vend=F4me. The trial lasted 14 weeks, and Babeuf and his friends fought = like cats every single day, exploiting every legal technicality and being deliberately disruptive into the bargain. Only with the greatest = difficulty did the prosecution persuade the jury to convict, and even then a number = of leading activists were acquitted. Only two death sentences were passed, = on Babeuf and Darth=E9. Several others were imprisoned, among them = Buonarroti, who survived into the 1830s and wrote a history of the conspiracy which inspired a whole generation of new militants in the period before 1848.=20 Thus it can be seen that Babeuf's 'conspiracy' was far from what might = be imagined as a conspiratorial organisation. In no way was it the = predecessor of Che Guevara's peasant armies or the Baader-Meinhof gang. On the = contrary, Babeuf firmly rejected acts of terrorism. In his evidence at Vend=F4me, = the traitor Grisel was obliged to admit that, when as a provocation, he had proposed setting fire to castles outside Paris as a diversion during the planned insurrection, Babeuf had firmly rejected the suggestion. Babeuf = had likewise refused an offer by an army officer to assassinate the five = members of the Directory.36=20 Likewise, the conspirators were well aware of the dangers of excessive clandestinity; in a letter to the agent of the 12th arrondissement, they wrote:=20 As far as possible, you should distribute publications in a direct = manner. You have to show a bit of daring if you want to encourage it in others; clandestine methods inspire distrust in the uneducated masses. They = think that if you seem to be smuggling your ideas in, then there must be = something reprehensible about them.37=20 Any serious revolutionary organisation has to strike a balance between secrecy and openness, after making a careful analysis of the objective conditions it has to work under. The basic principle must be as much security as necessary, as much openness as possible. Of course Babeuf = and friends, like most organisations since, did not always get it right. Certainly they made mistakes about security, and in the case of Grisel = they made a fatal one. But the mistakes were made because they were anxious = to open up the organisation to potential recruits. An organisation that = does not take risks may survive, but it is unlikely to grow. Some historians = have sneered at the conspiracy, saying it was widely infiltrated with police agents. But if that was true, then why did the prosecution at Vend=F4me = find it necessary to stake so much on the testimony of a single witness, the informer Grisel?=20 Babeuf and his comrades were grappling with real problems, with very = little historical experience to help them. If subsequent revolutionaries have = been able to learn from their mistakes, it is because they were the real = mistakes of a real movement. And, as well as planning the details of their organisation, the conspirators also spent much time drawing up the = details of a future society based on the principles of true equality. Buonarroti gives an extensive account of these in his history.=20 What is striking here is just how far Babeuf's vision of a future = society diverged from that of Rousseau and most 18th century utopians. Contrary = to the claims of many critics, Babeuf was not an 'economic pessimist' who believed the only hope for equality was to share misery equally among = all. Babeuf was no ascetic, and the word 'abundance' recurs frequently in his writings. Buonarroti records that the conspiracy aimed '...to provide in superabundance things which are necessary to all, and to provide them = with objects of pleasure which are not condemned by public morality'.38=20 The draft economic decree produced by the secret Directory promised that = the new society would provide everyone with healthy, comfortable and = decently furnished accommodation, clothing, laundry, heat and light, adequate = food =AD bread, meat, poultry, fish, eggs =AD and wine, as well as a free health service.39=20 Likewise Babeuf and his associates anticipated Marx in advocating the transcendence of the distinction between town and country. They = envisaged a network of villages, linked by roads and canals so that communication = became easier. In their draft 'economic decree' the conspirators gave special attention to the development of telegraphic communication. (This was = not, of course, electric telegraphy but a form of semaphore signalling, = perfected by Chappe in 1794.)40=20 Far from opposing technological progress, as Rousseau did, the = conspirators recognised that a socialist society would use technology to full = advantage:=20 It is only within a system based on community that the use of machines = would be of true benefit to humanity, by reducing toil while increasing the abundance of necessary and agreeable objects. Today, by suppressing a = great quantity of manual labour, they take bread out of the mouths of a large number of men, in the interest of a few insatiable speculators whose = profits they increase.41=20 Of course, with the massive benefit of 200 years hindsight to help us, = we can see that Babeuf's conspiracy was doomed to failure. Engels was = correct, if somewhat uncharitable, to describe the conspiracy as = 'insane...Babeuf's attempt to jump from the Directorate immediately into communism'.42 Even = in the unlikely event of the insurrection having succeeded, it would at = best have ushered in a second period of Jacobin rule, which would probably = have been even more short lived than that of 1793-1794. The objective = conditions for any kind of socialism quite simply did not exist, and would not = exist for several decades to come.=20 Yet it is one thing to make a historical analysis of the reasons for Babeuf's failure; it is quite a different one to adopt the complacent = and patronising attitude that dismisses the whole episode as futile, that = says that, if Babeuf had known what we know now, he would not have done what = he did but would have stayed in bed. We know what we know precisely because Babeuf and others like him did what they did.=20 After the defeat of the conspiracy there was a prolonged downturn in resistance. A few of Babeuf's followers reappear in later brief = opposition movements, but with the rise of Napoleon the left was crushed for a generation. Yet in the longer term Babeuf provided a vital source of = ideas and inspiration for the rising socialist movement. Without the heritage = of Babeuf, Marx and Engels would have had greater difficulty in achieving = what they did.=20 Fran=E7ois Furet has revived a well worn argument in seeing a continuity = from Babeuf through Blanqui to Lenin. He tells us that Babeuf's alleged voluntarism,=20 ...is the highest peak of the revolutionary belief that political will = can do everything. The last wave of Jacobin extremism =AD and doubtless the = only intellectual synthesis of the egalitarian passion of those times =AD elaborates here the theory of the revolutionary putsch, essential for = the understanding of the 19th and 20th centuries. The history of secret societies in Europe after the Treaty of Vienna has its origin here, as = well as the Russian revolutionary tradition from populism to Bolshevism.43=20 The reality is rather more complex. As far as Blanqui, the greatest of = the French leaders of secret societies, is concerned, it appears that he = knew relatively little of Babeuf. Blanqui conforms far more than Babeuf to = the typical stereotype of the 'conspirator'; he had far less sense of the practicalities of mass propaganda and agitation. Blanqui was a = revolutionary of enormous courage and total integrity, but in organisational terms he marks a regression from Babeuf's achievement.=20 Bolshevism is a different matter again. Contrary to right wing = mythology, there is no single 'Leninist' theory of the party; Lenin's = organisational philosophy made massive shifts between 1902, 1905, 1908, 1912 and 1917, according to his evaluation of objective conditions. In fact there seems = to be little evidence that Lenin knew anything of Babeuf; there is a total = of two cursory references to Babeuf in his entire writings. But if there is = a link between Babeuf and Lenin, then I hope to have shown in this article that Babeuf is the forerunner of the Lenin who urged the opening up of = the party in 1905,44 not the imaginary conspiratorial Lenin of right wing fantasy.=20 A careful reading of the available documentation about Babeuf shows him = to be an original thinker and a talented organiser, whose early death = doubtless prevented the full flowering of his promise. There is much in the documentation of the conspiracy, from the general concern to unite = theory and practice, down to details of such activities as flyposting, that = will seem familiar to revolutionaries two centuries later. Babeuf is very = much a part of our tradition.=20 Notes 1 J Degras (ed), The Communist International, I (London, 1971), p47.=20 2 E Belfort Bax, The Last Episode of the French Revolution (London, = 1911); D Thomson, The Babeuf Plot (London, 1947); R B Rose, Gracchus Babeuf (Stanford, 1978). The first two are very dated; Rose's book is sound and sympathetic, but limited in its political understanding.=20 3 P Brou=E9, Trotsky (Paris, 1988), p794.=20 4 Dalin was a signatory of the pro-Trotskyist statement by members of = the Communist Youth, published as Appendix IV in L Trotsky, The New Course = (Ann Arbor, 1965), pp114-118.=20 5 For a full treatment of Babeuf's life and thought see I H Birchall, = The Spectre of Babeuf (Macmillan, 1997).=20 6 Socialists defend state education, but we should not fetishise = schooling; at least two great revolutionaries, Babeuf and Victor Serge, never went = to school.=20 7 Tribun du Peuple, No 30.=20 8 Babeuf, Ecrits, ed C Mazauric (Paris, 1988), p258.=20 9 A religious movement of the early 16th century, inspired by Thomas = M=FCnzer, which advocated equality and common ownership of property.=20 10 Haute-Cour de Justice: Expos=E9 Fait par les Accusateurs Nationaux = (Paris, 1797), p23.=20 11 Copie des Pi=E8ces Saisies (Paris, 1797). The material was arranged = in bundles and documents, and referred to by number =AD eg 7/27 would be = the 27th item in the seventh bundle.=20 12 Ibid, 21/11.=20 13 Ibid, 7/89.=20 14 Ibid, 16/11. Sans-culotte =AD the word literally means those who did = not wear (couldn't afford) the knee-breeches worn by the upper and middle classes =AD was a term used to refer to the section of the urban = population that worked and was poor, ie shopkeepers and artisans as well as wage workers.=20 15 For example A Soboul, 'Sectional personnel and Babouvist personnel' = in Understanding the French Revolution (London, 1988).=20 16 Copie des Pi=E8ces Saisies, 20/8.=20 17 Ibid, 22/17.=20 18 Ibid, 15/4.=20 19 Ibid, 10/17.=20 20 Ibid, 20/2.=20 21 Ibid, 16/9.=20 22 Ibid, 7/93.=20 23 Ibid, 8/4.=20 24 D Gu=E9rin, La Lutte de Classes sous la Premi=E8re R=E8publique, II = (Paris, 1968), p401; in general Gu=E9rin is a little harsh on Babeuf, and some = of his tactical criticisms can be seen as sectarian; but this should not = detract from the original and perceptive contribution Gu=E9rin made to the understanding of the revolution.=20 25 Copie des Pi=E8ces Saisies, 10/25.=20 26 Ibid, 10/24, 14/2.=20 27 Oeuvres de Babeuf I (Paris, 1977), pp91-102; the same was not true of = all his associates. In 1801 Sylvain Mar=E9chal was to argue that women = should not be allowed to learn to read!=20 28 Copie des Pi=E8ces Saisies, 14/20.=20 29 M=E9moires du Comte Dufort de Cheverny, II (Paris, 1909), p267.=20 30 J-M Schiappa, Gracchus Babeuf avec les Egaux (Paris, 1991), = pp135-146.=20 31 Copie des Pi=E8ces Saisies, 3/3.=20 32 Ibid, 10/19.=20 33 Buonarroti, La Conspiration pour l'Egalit=E9, II (Paris, 1957), p108. = 34 Ibid, II, p79.=20 35 Ibid, I, p145.=20 36 D=E9bats du proc=E8s, II (Paris, 1797), pp90-91, 102-103.=20 37 Copie des Pi=E8ces Saisies, 14/19.=20 38 Buonarroti, I, p158.=20 39 Ibid, II, p208.=20 40 Ibid, I, pp165-166, II, p210.=20 41 Ibid, I, p159.=20 42 Marx and Engels, Collected Works, XXV (London, 1987), pp609-610.=20 43 F Furet and M Ozouf, Dictionnaire Critique de la R=E9volution = Fran=E7aise (Paris, 1988), pp204-205.=20 44 '...rally all the worker Social-Democrats round yourselves, = incorporate them in the ranks of the party organisations by hundreds and thousands.' = V I Lenin, Collected Works, vol X (Moscow 1962), p32.=20 ________________________________ Return to Contents page: Return to International Socialism Journal Index Home page From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Mon Jan 15 08:27:58 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6Tkb-0005EY-NW for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 15 Jan 2007 08:27:58 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Mon, 15 Jan 2007 10:33:32 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 10:32:40 -0500 Message-ID: <000401c738ba$64897130$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc4umQUctOCiA6gSd2c8L2D1KICig== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 X-Mailman-Approved-At: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 12:34:54 -0700 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Progressive Cuba-Bashing by Richard Levins X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 15 Jan 2007 15:27:58 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ http://www.cjonline.org/rLevinsCubaBashing.cfm CYRANO'S JOURNAL=AE=20 =09 15-Jan-07, 08:25 AM=20 Progressive Cuba-Bashing By Richard Levins The Current Debate =09 =20 DESTINATIONS Search this site Contact Cyrano The Premier Issue = Contributors Index Advertising Media Bias Catalog Television Forums+Blogs Book = Reviews Audio Archives Videos The Punditocracy Radio Cinema The CJ Online Team Religion+Cults History Revisited Culture+fads Recommended links=20 =20 HOME =20 =20 =20 Prof. Richard Levins=20 =20 =20 NOTE: This article appeared originally in Socialism and Democracy. We = are grateful for their permission to republish. =09 =20 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, 2005 CJONLINE.ORG & SPECIFIC AUTHORS. PLEASE SEE = OUR COPYRIGHT NOTICE.=20 =20 =20 =20 =20 =20 Cuba is not a dictatorial regime. There is a whole complex of elected assemblies at all levels, mass organizations of labor, women, and = farmers, and all sorts of NGOs that make Cuban socialism what it is (more on this below). It is facile and disingenuous to brand this profoundly = participatory political system as "dictatorial."=20 In the mid-1960s, when Che Guevara dropped out of sight to begin his guerrilla campaign in Bolivia, some on the left were asking whether = Fidel had had him murdered. In the late 1980s, some were quick to assume that = the trial of the Cuban general Ochoa on charges of attempting to organize a drug-ring in collaboration with the Medell=EDn cartel was really a = political purge. What is striking is that these accusations against Cuba were = accepted by so many without investigation, as if the abuses that were alleged = were only to be expected and therefore must be true. =20 Why are so many progressives and liberals taken in by even the most outrageous falsehoods about Cuba? Why do they often accept uncritically = the line of the Miami and Washington reactionaries about Cuba when they = doubt almost everything else from these sources? Possibly some are tired of nay-saying all the conventional wisdoms. They do not want to appear "hard-line" or "ideological," and rejecting Cuba is a cheap and easy way = of being a little more mainstream. Cuba may be relegated by some to the = list of youthful enthusiasms from the time when "we thought we could change the world." This stance is reinforced by the accumulated cynicism of many defeats that says that no place can be all that good, that all dreams = come to naught. Or, perhaps since Cuba's socialism is one of the few to have survived, it has become harder to romanticize it. =20 But, mostly, this vulnerability of the left to rightist propaganda is derived from the discouraging experience of the Soviet Union and eastern Europe and the unwarranted assumption that Cuba has a similar regime. As well, too many progressives have accepted cold-war anti-communism assumptions: that all Reds are the same and that any accusation against = any of them is probably an understatement, that they support good causes = only to serve their own noxious ends, that revolutionaries once in power are all cynical manipulators and monopolizers of privilege, and that their = public statements are merely propaganda. The burdens of internalized cold war anti-communism and conventional political science allow for careless judgments and casual denunciations. =20 Dismissal of Cuba is sometimes simply an off-handed remark in writings = about other subjects. For example Marc Cooper wrote a piece in The Nation, "Remembering Allende" (9/29/03). It was a thoughtful commentary, = reflecting real experience, knowledge, and sympathy for the Chilean struggle. But = in the course of it he threw in a careless unsupported denunciation of = Cuba, referring to "the wholesale jailing of dissidents and summary executions = by an ossified and dictatorial Cuban state." He is of course free to = disapprove of the trials of political de-stabilizers in April 2003. But by linking = the execution of hijackers to the trials of the "dissidents," he makes it = appear as if dissidents were executed. In fact the hijackers were not political people. Two of them had prior criminal records, and they were = threatening to kill their hostages. Most of us oppose capital punishment and support worldwide calls to eliminate it, but this does not justify singling out = this case as an example of Cuban depravity. =20 It is worth looking more closely at Cooper's comments in The Nation, his article in the L.A. Weekly (April 18-24, 2003), and the letter organized = by Leo Casey and signed by Cooper and by other progressives and liberals, = many of whom should know better and some of whom undoubtedly do. Anyone the = least bit familiar with Cuba knows that it is anything but "ossified." Cuba = has been undergoing rapid changes since 1959, including the transformations = of education and health care, the adoption of the Family Code, two agrarian reforms, the adoption of an ecological pathway of development, and the gradual invention of a mixed participatory and representative political system. There was the struggle against homophobia in the '70s, the encouragement of whistle blowing during the "rectification" campaign of = the '80s, the Special Period after the collapse of foreign trade with the = Soviet bloc and the tightening of the US blockade, and the legalization of = dollars in a dual system of currency with the Cuban peso. As well, Cuba has experienced a tremendous increase in tourism, the phasing out of = dependence on sugar, widespread decentralization, and the current "Battle of = Ideas." This last refers to the campaign to increase university enrollment, as = well as to raise the cultural, scientific, and political level of the whole = Cuban population. During the decade 1993-2003 the Cuban economy, even measured = by the misleading GDP, grew four times faster than the average for Latin America. Musical and artistic styles, movie making, and theatre are also constantly changing. =20 Cuba is not a dictatorial regime. There is a whole complex of elected assemblies at all levels, mass organizations of labor, women, and = farmers, and all sorts of NGOs that make Cuban socialism what it is (more on this below). It is facile and disingenuous to brand this profoundly = participatory political system as "dictatorial." As for the "the wholesale jailing of dissidents," the trial of the 75 Cubans was not for "thought crimes." = They were accused of being financed, supported, guided, and even organized by = the United States Interest Section in Havana in its efforts to overthrow the Cuban government. The Casey letter refers to the "dissidents" as "independent thinkers." But given their close ties to the US Interest Section and the Miami right wing (amply documented by the prosecution at = the trials and not challenged by the defense),[1] this seems at best = na=EFve. When one of the "dissidents," Gustavo Arcos, suggested that dialogue with = Cuba might be productive, he was scolded by the head of the Miami right wing, Jorge Mas Canosa, who warned that dissidents inside Cuba "have no = business making any proposals whatsoever without first consulting with the = leaders of the exile community."[2] =20 The Casey letter repeats the claim made by the mainstream US media that = the trial was closed and "without adequate notice or counsel." In fact, 44 = of the accused had lawyers of their own choice and the rest had = court-appointed lawyers. Their lawyers and family members were present at the trials. Several weeks from arrest to trial may seem short to Cooper, coming as = he does from a country that guarantees a speedy trial but where prisoners = are often held for months or even years before trial. =20 The letter describes the trials as "reminiscent of the Moscow trials of = the Soviet Union under the rule of Stalin." But the defendants in the Moscow trials were falsely accused of conspiring with foreign intelligence services. None of the Cuban defendants denied their links to the US = Interest Section. The Soviet defendants were tried after a long period of being = held incommunicado. The Cuban defendants were held for a few weeks and had = free contact with their families and lawyers. The major evidence in Moscow = was confessions, extracted in some cases by torture and intimidation. The evidence in the Cuban case included eyewitness testimony, photographs, = and physical evidence, including money. There was never any claim by anyone involved that the accused were abused in any way. The Moscow purges, = aside from a few show trials, were conducted by special administrative = tribunals, set up outside the judicial system. The Cubans were tried in regular = courts. And, what is more important, the Moscow trials ended in many death sentences. There were no death sentences in the "dissidents'" trial. The death sentences were handed down in the non-political case of hijacking, taking of hostages, and threatening to kill them. While many, if not = most of us, may oppose capital punishment in this or any case, nobody was = condemned to death for political charges. Cooper's conflating of the two cases is evidence of his anti-Cuba prejudice. =20 The letter ends by pronouncing that the Cuban state "is not a government = of the left, despite its claims of social progress in education and health care." Claims? The Cuban achievements in education have been verified by UNESCO surveys showing that Cuban third and fourth graders perform so = much better in language and mathematics skills than the rest of Latin America that UNESCO returned to test them again.[3] The Pan American Health Organization and World Health Organization both recognize the phenomenal health statistics.[4] But perhaps the letter signatories know this and simply dismiss them as mere social progress. Feeding the hungry, healing = the sick, and educating the illiterate are not very exciting to the well = fed, healthy, and college-educated. =20 Cooper and Casey et al.'s letter-signers decide that the Cuban = government really loves the blockade. Cooper says that the trials "help confirm my longtime suspicion that Castro lives in mortal fear that his most = powerful tool of social control, the US embargo, will one day be lifted." And the letter argues that the Cuban actions "amount to collaboration with the = most reactionary elements of the US administration in their efforts to = maintain sanctions and impose even more punitive measures against Cuba." It is a serious claim to assert that the Cuban government really loves the = blockade; it should at least be supported by serious argument. It is not. The underlying assumption is that Havana blames the US for all its troubles. = It doesn't. It's too busy talking about the lack of resources, lax = enforcement, bureaucracy, and other homegrown failings. While the harm the US = government causes Cuba is certainly important in Cuban consciousness, the main = "tool of social control" is the shared sense of building a more just and = equitable society despite the aggression. The Cuban report to the Secretary = General of the UN specifies exactly how the blockade harms Cuba. The report details = the injuries field by field, in lives and in money, in higher prices paid = for medicines, in medicines they couldn't get (for instance, the Pedro Kouri Institute of Tropical Medicine could not obtain diagnostic kits for identifying SARS), and in extra shipping fees for their imports. They offered estimates of an economic impact of some 79 billion US dollars = over the 44 years of siege, or about $1.8 billion per year.[5] The Cuban = national budget in 2003 was some 11.5 billion pesos (26 pesos to the dollar). = Imagine what could have been done if that amount had been available for = investment in economic growth. =20 Finally, Cooper lapses into pop political science, writing that "the = Cuban State [is] concerned with maintaining its monopoly of power above all = else." Once again it is given to us as wisdom without supporting evidence or argument. Yet this claim is almost never true of any regime. Even George Bush, who rigs elections and manipulates news in order to stay in office = and who clearly enjoys being "the War President," wants the presidency in = order to carry out a particular program with messianic fervor. He would never protect the environment, provide health care, guarantee universal free education, or separate church and state, just to stay in office. =20 There are also more subtle instances of the US-based left-liberal = community dismissing Cuba. For example, Achy Obejas begins a review of Alma Guillermoprieto's book Dancing with Cuba as follows: "It's been a while since Cuba, that caiman-shaped Caribbean isle, ceased to be a place on = the map. At some point, it came unhinged and floated away." And a bit later, ".if Cuba inspires, it also provokes despair." These comments reinforce = the notion within the US left that it's over, that Cuba is no longer worthy = of our support or even interest. This thinking is no doubt influenced by = the anti-communism and cynicism so prevalent in this country. =20 More than 16,000 days have passed since President Eisenhower declared = that "Castro's days are numbered." A whole generation of progressives has = grown up with Cuba-bashing as a steady background. Antagonism to Cuba has been = a constant of US policy through all the changes of administration. Despite = any differences in style and strategy, they all aimed to destroy a = revolutionary society that almost alone in the world has resisted domination by the corporate empire. It is clear that the Bush administration is escalating this war on Cuba. This is a continuation of more than 40 years of aggression, during which the US government has used military, terrorist, economic, diplomatic, and disinformation weapons to weaken and isolate = Cuba in the hopes of overthrowing Cuban socialism. There have been guerrilla bands organized by the CIA in the 1960s and more than 50 attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro. A Cuban civilian airliner in flight from = Venezuela was downed in 1976, and Cuban diplomats have been murdered. A = "transition to democracy" is supposed to result from these aggressions by increasing popular dissatisfaction until it becomes disaffection, by promoting international isolation, and by the murder or natural death of Fidel = Castro. =20 The history of United States propaganda warfare and dirty tricks in the = Cold War, against the Mossadegh government in Iran, against the Sandinistas = in Nicaragua and the Allende government in Chile shows that the US = government exercises no moral restraint on the stratagems used to justify its = policies and hide its interventions. The discussion in Judith Miller's book = Germs[6] shows that the US government considered as a legitimate option even the blowing up of a commercial airliner and blaming it on Cuba. As the more violent interventions, such as military invasion and assassination = attempts, failed and then fell out of favor (although violence is certainly still being employed), greater emphasis was placed on covert political intervention and disinformation campaigns. Anti-Cuban propaganda is now focusing on discrediting or discounting the most inspiring achievements = of the revolution. The recent Bush administration document on a "transition = to democracy in Cuba" has a complete program for capitalist restoration = that promises such things as a comprehensive immunization program for Cuban children, universal education, and environmental protection, as if Cuba = were not already ahead of the United States in all three. =20 Given what we know, progressives should approach all fresh incidents and accusations against Cuba in the light of this history of cynical disinformation aimed at justifying escalated aggression. Our first = reaction should be one of skepticism. We should examine the evidence offered, = check the Cuban response to the accusations, and make sure we are not taken = in. We must not automatically assume that Cuba has all the faults of eastern = Europe and the Soviet Union. Progressives need to place what they see and hear = in the context of the siege of Cuba. I will review the scope and impact of = this siege in the next section. Then we will be better placed to examine how = Cuba really works and to refute Margaret Thatcher's depressing claim, "There = is no alternative." =20 The Siege of Cuba Phillip Agee and others have shown that US funding of dissident activity = in Cuba adds up to more than $25 million since 1992.[7] Directly = appropriated funding is an underestimate. Some funds are channeled through third countries such as Spain and even Norway. The war against Cuba is = directed from two major centers: Washington and Miami. The Washington center is controlled by the White House and includes the National Security = Council, the CIA, the Pentagon, State Department, FBI, the Agency for = International Development (AID), ad hoc interagency working groups, and their allies = in Congress. They combine clandestine operations, largely CIA, with = diplomatic, legal, and propaganda activities. Further, they work through non-governmental organizations. AID alone has distributed some $20 = million to groups such as Freedom House, the Center for Free Cuba, the Institute = for Democracy in Cuba, the Pan American Development Foundation, Partners of = the Americas, the American Center for International Labor Solidarity, the = Sabre Foundation, Florida International University, the International = Republican Institute and many others. Some are longstanding collaborators with the government's schemes, others were established for the Cuba operations, = still others have legitimate as well as noxious activities. =20 The Miami center is based in the right wing of the exile community. Its economic base is the network of medium-sized and large businesses owned = by Cuban Americans and serving the emigr=E9 community and Miami as a whole, = and the professional counterrevolutionaries who can mobilize broader = rightwing resources. It serves US policy goals for Cuba and for the rest of Latin America. In return it receives favorable publicity, training, funding, guidance, access to government agencies and toleration of shady business practices. =20 Its core has been the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) until it split recently after the death of its founder. It is a legal umbrella organization organized by Jorge Mas Canosa at the instigation of CIA = officer Richard Allen, who called for the creation of an organization "that = could speak with one voice." The CANF groups around itself a large number of smaller overlapping organizations engaged in propaganda aimed at US = policy makers, the general public and Cuba. They also engage in propaganda and harassment aimed at Cubans outside their country. Groups such as Brigade 2506 (veterans of Bay of Pigs), Abdala, Alpha 66, Omega 7, Commando F-4 = and CORU are openly military and sabotage units. Some of their members have = been trained by the CIA and used in such operations as Iran-Contra, the civil = war in El Salvador, and the invasion of Grenada. =20 After the failure of Operation Mongoose (the Kennedy plan to overthrow = the Cuban government with armed and terrorist actions in the 1960s), many of = the terrorists branched out into more varied forms of struggle. Jos=E9 = Basulto's career is illustrative. A veteran of Bay of Pigs, he served with CIA infiltration teams, shelled a Havana theatre and a hotel from the sea, = and then began to present himself as a non-violent resister. He organized Brothers to the Rescue supposedly to help rafters, but also to test = Cuban communications and provoke confrontations. A similar case is that of = Carlos Alberto Montaner who began by placing bombs within Cuba, went into = exile, and was later trained in clandestine skills at Fort Benning by the CIA. = He is now a central figure in the new "moderate" counterrevolution. He is = based in Spain where in 1990 he founded La Uni=F3n Liberal Cubana and in 1991 = took the initiative to form La Plataforma Democr=E1tica Cubana as a coalition = of political parties within Cuba. He urged dissidents to form these = parties, the Liberal Party, the Coordinadora Socialdem=F3crata (Elizardo = S=E1nchez, Vladimiro Roca) and the Partido Dem=F3crata Cristiano (Oswaldo Pay=E1). = He explained to them that the purpose in forming these parties was not just ideological but a means of tapping the resources of the like-minded international organizations and of getting access to European = governments. But with the collapse of European socialism there was once again an = increase in violence. From 1990 to 2000 there were some 108 terrorist actions = against Cuba including the shelling of hotels from the sea and the placing of = bombs in five hotels. Prominent leaders of counter-revolutionary groups move = back and forth freely between violent and non-violent actions. The dissident organizations within Cuba have ties with many of them. Even though the = role of the dissidents is public relations at present, they have occasionally been assigned minor intelligence tasks by the US Interest Section, such = as finding the home addresses of Cuban leaders who might be targeted for assassination. =20 There are a large number of counter-revolutionary groups that split, = unite, change names, overlap and quarrel. They disagree on tactics and vie for resources. Therefore there are frequent attempts to unite them. There = are various umbrella groups such as the Concilio Cubano that includes 140 groups. In January 2004, the Carter Center hosted another such = conference to gather the counterrevolution together. It is often said that US policy toward Cuba is irrational, given the absence of a Cuban threat to US security such as Soviet missiles or terrorist bases, and is continued = only because of the connections and the campaign contributions of the Cuban rightwing in Miami. But the real reason for US hostility is more = political: Cuba represents a bold challenge to US domination of Latin America, = living proof that a small third world country can stand up to the colossus of = the north. Most of all, Cuba shows that another world is possible. It is = this continuing challenge that gives the Miami gang political clout in = Washington as well as Florida. This clout is more a consequence than a cause of Washington's policy. In this way, the political influence of the Miami Cubans is analogous to that of the pro-Israel lobby in the United = States: in both cases a policy originating in US geopolitical concerns creates the space for the ethnic-based lobby to have an impact. =20 The emigr=E9s have friends in high places in government and are = represented in Congress especially by Lincoln Diaz-Balart and Ileana Ross Lehtinen. The Bush administration has been particularly eager to recruit emigr=E9s = such as James Cason and Otto Reich into State Department and National Security posts. The US agencies and the emigr=E9 foci work together but also have = their conflicts. The FBI and CIA don't completely trust the emigr=E9 groups = and infiltrate them. Occasionally operations of one or another Miami group = has been interrupted by the Coast Guard or FBI and their activities have = become public. After a brief flurry of publicity the culprits usually are = quietly released. At times the criminal activity of emigr=E9 terrorists cannot = be hidden, as when in 1984 Eduardo Arocena of Omega- 7 was tried for the = murder of a Cuban diplomat in New York. In this case, the defendant got even = with the CIA by revealing that he had released in Cuba plant disease germs provided by the CIA. =20 Within Cuba the rise and fall of "dissident" activity reflects outside political events. With the end of the Soviet bloc, enemies of the = revolution expected the imminent collapse of the Cuban revolutionary government and increased hostile activities in all arenas, especially with information warfare. Here is where the internal "dissidents" come in. Their main = task is to provide ammunition to discredit Cuba. They do this by inventing = incidents or inflating real deficiencies of the society so that they can be = presented as the norm. =20 The "dissidents" that are known are those engaged in more open = activities (as distinguished from those engaged in espionage and sabotage). They = number perhaps a few hundred individuals belonging to a shifting set of organizations with similar goals. The distinction between the Human = Rights Party (some 15 members) and the Cuban Foundation for Human Rights or the Comit=E9 Pro Derechos Humanos, or the Asociaci=F3n de Periodistas = Independientes de Cuba and the Federaci=F3n de Periodistas de Cuba is usually that = their leaders can't get along with each other and compete for attention and funding. The Comit=E9 had some 15-20 members all of whom earned their = visas and left, so that the present group is completely new. Groups claiming = to speak for "free" unions, librarians, journalists or doctors arise, = regroup, disappear and then show up again under new labels but with familiar = faces. Disaffected individuals become "dissidents" for a variety of reasons and then join the "dissident" world of cliques creating images of their own political importance and competing for US support. They often leave = their jobs to work full time as professional "dissidents" living on subsidies = from abroad but claim they were fired because of their dissent. Although at present there is no significant social base for the counterrevolution in Cuba, the growing sector of employees of foreign corporations and proprietors of small businesses (now numbering some 150,000 people and, = with their families, perhaps half a million) may some day begin to demand political influence as a class, perhaps around issues of taxation. This might change the political situation from the maneuverings of marginal disaffected individuals to one of class conflict. =20 The dissidents are all linked directly or indirectly to US operations through the United States Interest Section in Havana, the CANF, and = foreign governments of Spain, Czech Republic, Norway, and Lithuania, among = others, and foreign NGOs. On visits to Miami their leaders meet with emigr=E9s involved in both propaganda and terrorist activities. For instance, = Social Democrat Elizardo S=E1nchez Santa Cruz met with leaders of the PNUD = (Partido Nacional de Unidad Democr=E1tico), a group that supports armed actions. = None of these organizations straighforwardly call themselves Partido = Terrorista Revanchista or Coordinadora Unitaria de Asesinos, of course. Today the = major strategic ploy of the US government and its Cuban assets is the call for = a democratic and peaceful "transition," and its newer allies posture as "moderates." How Cuba Works The Cuban revolution was one of the great liberating events in Latin American history; it threw off half a century of United States imperial domination that had sustained a corrupt pseudo-democracy while = sponsoring the systematic looting of the country's wealth. Cuba began to build a = kind of life that is equitable, just, sustainable, and participatory. Even without the continued hostility and aggression from the United States, = this was an overwhelming task.=20 =20 When the old ruling class left the country, it took with it its = colonels, police chiefs, torturers, and the corrupt politicians who had looted the national treasury. It left behind a poor, plundered country with = decrepit industries, eroded landscapes, high unemployment and illiteracy, few = doctors (most of them in Havana), and a typical colonial economy of sugar monoculture. The Cuban working people have improvised, copied, = backtracked, invented, compromised and forged ahead to create the present work in progress that has won the admiration of people throughout the world. It = is far from perfect. Socialists do not talk of perfection. The term = "workers' paradise," used now as a putdown by enemies of the revolution, is not a claim by participants or observers who know the enormous difficulties, frustrations, and contradictions of the process of changing a whole = society and also changing themselves. =20 Cuba is a socialist society with a mostly socialist economy. Two = different principles of distribution have coexisted in Cuba: the socialist = principle "to each according to work" and the communist principle "to each = according to need." The principle of distribution according to work accords wages = with a remarkably small spread to all who work, who have worked (pensioners), = or who study: the median wage for all wage-earners in Cuba is 250 pesos a month, while a cabinet minister earns only 450. In addition, goods in = short supply such as opportunities for vacations at tourist hotels are given = as bonuses and awards to outstanding workers. Cooperative farmers earn = their share of the cooperative's returns, often taken as monthly advances as = well as at the annual settling of accounts. =20 The principle of distribution according to need is reflected in social consumption available to everyone: free healthcare and education up to = and including the university level, subsidized basic rations, school meals, = and daycare, cheap and widespread access to cultural and sport activities. = In addition to what is universally available, special arrangements are made = to meet unequal needs: diabetics, pregnant women, and nursing mothers get special rations. There are schools for the disabled with employment guaranteed afterward, and special programs for the many young people who dropped out at the start of the Special Period (when jobs were not = available and education no longer guaranteed employment). There is teacher = training for those who work with deaf-mute and autistic children and university programs for seniors. Teachers are sent to children too isolated to get = to school daily, and photovoltaic solar collectors are placed in schools in remote locations that are off the national electric grid. There are also programs to develop special talents in the arts and sports. =20 That said, it is important to recognize that after the collapse of the Soviet Union and, with it, the bulk of its international trade (which brought on what is known in Cuba as the Special Period), foreign = capitalist enterprises and joint foreign/Cuban companies have been allowed to = operate in Cuba in order to capture some needed hard currency. Small-scale = private businesses were also legalized. Capitalist economics undermines these socialist/communist principles of distribution. It promotes inequality = by paying exorbitant salaries to marketing and managerial personnel, = especially in the tourist industry. Profitability, marketability, and family connections determine reward in private restaurants, private repair services, the private sale of their own tapes by musicians, and = remittances from family abroad. Although the opportunities for corruption are much = more limited than in the United States, there was a range of remunerative activities (theft, diversion of state property, gambling, prostitution, = and black marketeering) that grew during the height of the Special Period, = when people individually had to take care of what was formerly provided collectively. There was a general relaxation of social discipline in = that emergency, a tolerance for victimless crimes committed to solve urgent personal economic problems. It will take some time to recover from the impact of this period on people's consciousness. =20 Most Cubans own their own homes and the others pay minimum rent toward purchase. Of the millions of children who sleep in the streets in the = third world, not one is Cuban. Healthcare is not only free but also uniformly distributed. Cuba has the best healthcare in the developing world and is even ahead of the United States in some areas such as reducing infant mortality. Quality education includes such innovations as a limit of 20 children per teacher in primary grades, 15 in junior high and 10 in high school. Since everybody has a right to education, there are some schools = in the most isolated places with only a single or a few pupils. Cultural = and recreational facilities are also widely diffused throughout the country. Employment is a right, and when industries reduce their staff or close, = the workers are guaranteed other jobs with at least equal pay, or else retraining, return to school, or unemployment compensation. Today unemployment stands at about 3%. =20 Most Cubans believe that they are inventing a new kind of democracy, superior both to what Cuba had before the revolution and to what they = see today in the United States and other capitalist countries. In these = liberal democracies public office is a marketable commodity and the end result = of all the political excitement at election-time is that the same group of people who own the economy continue to own the government. Cubans = describe their own system as a way of getting as many people as possible to help = run the country through a mixture of participatory and representative = processes. Cubans are very aware of the history of defeats in the early struggles = for national independence and workers' rights, defeats caused in large = measure by divisions in the movements. This has given Cubans a strong sense of = the importance of unity as a political goal. Their system is designed to = reach consensus rather than promote adversarial conflict. Consensus is sought through extensive discussion at countless meetings in the workplace, the neighborhood, and the 2,200 non-governmental organizations. In fact, = when I once asked a meeting of ecologists how aliens on a spaceship flying over Cuba would know there was socialism down below, the answer was, = "Everybody is at meetings." The purpose of the meetings is to reach a consensus = strong enough to mobilize the active participation of the membership, their enthusiasm, energy, and ideas. The premium placed on consensus is a = source of strength for the revolution, but also can at times lead to = intolerance of deviant opinion. =20 At these meetings the major issues of concern to Cuban society are discussed. The Federation of Cuban Women led the discussions on the = Family Code and regularly examines the status of women in order to identify obstacles to full equality and make proposals for removing them. The farmers' association leads on questions of agriculture, and so on. In = 2004 the new farmers' cooperatives initiated discussions on their relations = with the state, the degree of autonomy, how to reconcile their need for an adequate income with the need of the urban population for inexpensive = food. In 1993, at the height of the economic crisis of the Special Period, workers' parliaments were convened at thousands of workplaces to discuss which of the revolutionary achievements had to be retained at all cost, = what compromises could be made, which of the emergency measures that the = National Assembly was proposing were acceptable. They rejected a tax on wages. = Every six months the union leadership meets with the heads of government departments to examine issues of wages, bonuses, compliance with the regulations of labor protection, the grievance system, and other issues = of concern to the unions and to the country. =20 Cubans from the age of 16 vote in elections for the municipal and = provincial assemblies and for the National Assembly.[8] The elections are = non-partisan rather than single-party. The Communist Party runs no candidates = although individual members are prominent among those nominated. Nominations for municipal assembly elections take place in open neighborhood meetings, = where from two to eight candidates are proposed. There is no campaigning, nor = any of the apparatus of lobbyists, speechwriters, and public relations consultants that goes with it. Rather, biographies of the candidates are posted giving their occupation and contributions to society. In some = ways they resemble job resum=E9s, or the candidate listings for the Boards of Directors of food cooperatives or professional societies in our country. = The voting is by secret ballot and the counting is public. In about 10% of = the districts, run-off elections have to be held because nobody has won more = the 50% of the votes. Elected representatives hold weekly office hours and = twice a year have formal report-back meetings with their constituents. Direct elections are also held for the provincial and national assemblies, with = the difference that at these levels there are single candidacies that are determined by candidacy commissions composed of representatives from = mass organizations led by a union representative. Among the concerns of the candidacy commissions is the composition of the elected bodies by = gender, race, age, and occupation. It is important to have all sectors of the society represented, and progress in the participation of = underrepresented groups is noted with satisfaction. =20 Another aspect of election results is their role as referendums on the revolution. Counterrevolutionaries call on Cubans not to vote or to turn = in blank or damaged ballots. Some 10% of the eligible voters either do not = vote or do not submit valid ballots. Not all of these represent protest. = However this gives a rough idea of the extent of disaffection. When I ask = friends whether they are satisfied with their representation, I get a mixed response. Some representatives carry out their duties formally and = respond to complaints in bureaucratese, while in other districts they = energetically promote their neighborhood's interests. =20 Cuba has a parliamentary rather than presidential form of government. = The 31-member Council of State, elected by the National Assembly every 5 = years, acts on behalf of the National Assembly when the latter is not in = session. Fidel Castro is the elected head of the Council of State. A few words = are in order about the role of Fidel Castro. He is undoubtedly the outstanding political leader in the Americas in the last hundred years. Like = Bol=EDvar and Mart=ED he led the struggle to free his country from foreign rule, in = this case from the pseudo-republic run from the US Embassy. Unlike the other = two he has continued to lead the construction of a new society based on equality, social justice, and sustainability. He has a dual role, as a symbol of the revolution and as its most able politician. When crowds throughout Latin America cheer "Fidel! Fidel!" he knows that it is a cry = of admiration for the Cuban revolution rather than his personal charisma. Within Cuba, his formal position is as a delegate to the National = assembly, elected from his home district in Santiago by secret ballot. The = National Assembly then elects him to head the Council of State, also by secret ballot. Many Cubans see him as a superb visionary and strategist and a = not very good administrator. My personal preference would be for him to relinquish the administrative position of Prime Minister and concentrate = on what he does best, but this is the Cubans' decision, not mine.[KLW note: This is the one error I detected in this article: Fidel has not held the position of Prime Minister since the early 70s. But Levins' point is = still clear.] =20 There are unresolved problems of Cuban democracy, but the ones the = Cubans are concerned with are not the ones that foreign critics are most = interested in. One example is that membership in elected bodies is not a full-time = paid job. Delegates continue at their day jobs. They do not always have the expertise to rule on the more technical issues that arise. Another is = the lack of resources for governments to use, especially at the local level. = The struggles against racism and sexism are vital elements in meeting Cuba's goals of equity. Old Cuba experienced a combination of an inherited = Spanish colonial racism and an imported North American variety. Advances in eliminating racism are visible in the widespread and growing Afro-Cuban leadership, in the self-identification of Cubans as an Afro-Caribbean people, and in the deeply felt solidarity with Africa that sent Cuban soldiers to fight the South African apartheid regime when it invaded = Angola. It is seen in the recognition of the Yoruba and Congo religions as = co-equal with Christianity. But racist discrimination persists. For instance, = there are no black prima ballerinas in the National Ballet, and Afro-Cubans = are still underrepresented in academic fields and overrepresented in = vocational schools. After making racial discrimination illegal, Cuba has become = aware that this is not enough and that action is needed to extirpate racism = from the culture as well as to prevent its re-introduction by foreign = investors. One Spanish hotel chain was thrown out of Cuba in part because of racist hiring practices. =20 The full equality of women has been a revolutionary goal from the = beginning, with its specific content evolving as consciousness deepens. The Cuban Family Code recognizes equal responsibility of men and women to = contribute to maintaining the household and proclaims equal rights to work, study, = and leisure. However women still work 4-6 hours a day at housework in = addition to their paid jobs and participation in all sorts of organizations and = in government. There are many stories people tell about how the Family Code works out in the complex struggles within the family. This struggle is = also seen in a high divorce rate. As one women's leader explained: "Men dream = of=20 women who no longer exist, and women dream of men who do not exist yet." Still, among the children of my friends, relations between men and women = are much more egalitarian than in the older generation. =20 Women occupy 36% of the seats in the National Assembly, are a majority = of the professionals and 26% of the directors. In my own areas of = experience, the Ministry of Science, Technology, and the Environment, the minister = and at least one vice minister are women. The director and all vice = directors at the Institute of Citrus Research, the dean of the faculty of mathematics = and other centers were all women, many of them Black. =20 Nevertheless sexist attitudes and discrimination persist, and women are = not yet 50% of leadership. The Federation of Cuban Women recently held = workshops on why there are not more women leaders. They refuted the idea that = women are reluctant to take on those posts, and blamed continued = underestimation of women's capacity to lead. =20 At the time of the revolution in 1959, ecology was not part of the = program for the new society. There was, however, awareness of the erosion and deforestation caused by four centuries of foreign rule and that, as a = small country, Cuba had limited land and fresh water. Many separate = ecologically sound programs were initiated but the prevailing view was = developmentalist. That viewpoint, especially popular among economists and planners, saw development as the progression from "backward" to "advanced" along the = path previously followed by Europe and North America. It required making use = of vast quantities of energy, and a narrowly calculated "efficiency." In agriculture this meant high inputs of pesticides, fertilizers, = mechanical power, and expensive animal feed in giant monocultures, i.e., industrial agriculture. The ecologists argued that this kind of modernization undermined the productive capacity of the land, made systems more = vulnerable to natural and economic disasters, and poisoned nature and people. They developed an alternative approach based on biological pest control, the = use of nitrogen-fixing crops and bacteria, on compost, earthworms, and beneficial fungi to improve soil fertility. They proposed a combination = of mechanical and animal traction, with a diversity of crops among regions, within farms and even within fields. =20 In 1975 the new Cuban Constitution proclaimed environmental protection = as a duty of the state and the whole society, and all enterprises were = required to include environmental impacts in their plans. Despite the continued predominance of the developmentalists in agriculture and industry, there existed a variety of programs in ecological agriculture, alternative = energy, urban planning, and occupational health. These, along with some programs working to protect biodiversity, resist desertification and erosion, and replant forests, gradually coalesced into an ecological perspective in = the course of the struggle. =20 The ecologists won. When imports from the Soviet Union and eastern = Europe were suddenly cut off and the high-tech path was no longer an option, = there was in place an articulate community of ecologists, a tested alternative technology, and a spreading ecological consciousness available to meet = the emergency. Ecologists-by-conviction were joined by the new ecologists-by-necessity. =20 Nevertheless, there were setbacks because of material scarcity of the period, for example, the cutting of wood for fuel, and a laxity in the enforcement of environmental regulations. But there were also notable achievements: organic agriculture has become the rule in the = organop=F3nicos and huertos org=E1nicos (organic orchards), the urban vegetable gardens = that provide a great deal of the food for the cities and are spreading on = rural farms. Forest cover has increased from 14% of the Cuban land surface at = the time of the revolution to about 23% today toward a target of 27%. Freon = is now being replaced as a refrigerant by the Cuban sugar cane derivate = LB-12 which does not destroy the ozone layer. The water pollution level is = being reduced at the rate of 5-10% per year. Cuba has signed on to the international treaties concerning the environment and climate, and holds workshops to evaluate its own compliance. An ecological society is = gradually becoming a conscious goal reflected in policy and education. Cuban = socialism is evolving toward a society in which the goals of development are the overcoming of poverty, the improvement in the quality of life, and a sustainable relation with nature rather than a race for unlimited = increases of production and consumption at all cost. =20 Conclusions The campaign against Cuba is an integral part of the United States' new imperial stance in the world, its claim to the right to intervene in = other countries and "take out" leaders they don't like or force "regime = change." We should be demanding that Congress reverse the laws aimed at = strangling or coercing Cuba, laws that violate international law. If the US escalates = its aggression against Cuba, no matter what the excuse, we should be ready = to go out in protest immediately, to defend one of the very few societies in = which equity, the satisfaction of basic human needs, participatory democracy, = and international solidarity are first principles. =20 We need to free our movement from cold war ideology. Only then can we = begin to challenge the disinformation war against Cuba. We have to be ready to reject new excuses for the blockade and other coercive measures and to correct the dismissal of Cuban achievements. What we can learn from Cuba = is that there are living alternatives to the way we do things here and that = the Canadian national health system is not the only model for providing healthcare for everyone. In healthcare, education, and environmental protection, catching up with Cuba can be a worthy national goal. =20 We would then be in a position to offer Cuba real criticism, well = informed and respectful. Foreign progressive critics have had their impact in the past, in the struggle against homophobia, for example, and for = ecological agriculture. The rich American traditions of people's struggles can be a source of valuable insight for the Cubans, while their creative = solutions to enormous problems can be a source of hope for us. Cuba warrants the = respect, appreciation, and solidarity of progressives in the United States and throughout the world. * =20 I thank Rosario Morales for help in reworking and editing the = manuscript. =20 Richard Levins is John Rock Professor of Population Sciences, Department = of Population and International Health, Harvard University. His theoretical interests have been applied to problems of community development as part = of the Board of Directors of OXFAM-America and chair of their subcommittee = on Latin America and the Caribbean from 1989 to 1995. Working from a = critique of the industrial-commercial pathway of development, he promoted = alternative development pathways that emphasize economic viability with equity, ecological and social sustainability and empowerment of the = dispossessed. As part of the New World Agriculture and Ecology Group, he has helped to develop modern agroecology, concentrating on the whole-system approaches = to gentle pest management. The "Dialectical Biologist," co-authored with Richard Lewontin, presented the authors' approach to the study of the philosophy, sociology and history of science. He has received awards as = a pioneer of the ecology movement in Puerto Rico, for long term = contributions to the development of agricultural ecology in Cuba, the Edinburgh = Science Medal (Scotland) for contributions to science and the broader society, = the Lukacs 21st Century Award for contributions to statistical and = mathematical ecology, and an honarary doctorate in environmental science from the University of Havana. =20 [1] [Ed. Note: see Rosa Miriam Elizalde and Luis B=E1ez, "The = Dissidents," reviewed elsewhere in this issue.] [2] Cited in Global Justice, Publication of the Center on Rights = Development Vol.4 #1, Fall 1993, from Gustavo Arcos, Twenty Years and Forty Days: = Life in a Cuban Prison. [3] Christopher Marquis, "Cuba Leads Latin America in Primary Education, Study Finds," New York Times, December 14, 2001. [4] See also Sarah Boseley, "Cubans tell NHS the secret of =A37 a head healthcare," Guardian (London), October 2, 2000 [5] Cuba's Report to the UN Secretary General on General Assembly = Resolution 58/7, "Necessity of Ending the Economic, Commercial and Financial = Embargo Imposed by the United States of America Against Cuba" (2004), p. 31. [6] Judith Miller et al., Germs: Biological Weapons and America's Secret = War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001). [7] See Philip Agee, "Terrorism and Civil Society as Instruments of US Policy in Cuba," Socialism and Democracy no. 34 (Summer-Fall 2003). [8] On Cuba's constitutional structure, see Peter Roman, People's Power: Cuba's Experience with Representative Government, updated edition = (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003). =20 =20 =20 =09 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Tue Jan 16 12:42:43 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6uCh-0000QP-KV for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 12:42:43 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 14:48:21 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 14:47:26 -0500 Message-ID: <001c01c739a7$26299710$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc5pyXWzClNGqgfR4acSRQa82KIng== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Spook culture X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 19:42:43 -0000 The Sunday Times, January 14, 2007 http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2089-2546110.html The Sunday Times January 14, 2007 How the CIA won Zhivago a Nobel Mark Franchetti, Moscow NEARLY 50 years after Boris Pasternak was awarded the Nobel prize for a body of work culminating in the epic Doctor Zhivago, it has emerged that British intelligence and the CIA secretly facilitated the accolade to embarrass the Kremlin, which had banned the novel. A new book reveals that American agents led an operation to publish a Russian-language version of Doctor Zhivago to comply with Nobel rules requiring that works be considered in their original language. NI_MPU('middle'); _I have no doubt whatsoever that the CIA played a key role in ensuring Pasternak received the Nobel prize,_ said the book's author, Ivan Tolstoy, a respected Moscow researcher. Immortalised by David Lean_s film, which won five Oscars, Doctor Zhivago was first published in Milan in 1957. It tells the tragic story of a doctor poet, Yuri Zhivago, and the love of his life, Lara, against the backdrop of the Bolshevik revolution. It was banned in the Soviet Union until 1987. Pasternak sent several copies of the manuscript in Russian to friends in the West. Tolstoy has now discovered a letter from a former CIA agent describing the operation that followed. He says the CIA _ aided by the British _ stole a copy from a plane that was forced to land in Malta. While passengers waited for two hours, agents took the manuscript from a suitcase, photographed it and returned it. The CIA then published the Russian edition in Europe and America simultaneously. _They avoided using paper which could be identified as Western-made. They chose special fonts commonly used in Russia and printed chapters in separate locations to prevent it from falling into the wrong hands,_ said Tolstoy, who is hoping to see his book, The Laundered Novel, published in the West. Members of the Swedish Academy were surprised to be presented with copies of a Russian edition just in time for them to consider Pasternak for the 1958 prize. Two days after hearing that he had won, the writer sent a telegram to the Academy: _Immensely thankful, touched, proud, astonished, abashed._ Four days later, under intense Kremlin pressure, Pasternak sent a second telegram: _I must reject this undeserved prize which has been presented to me. Please do not receive my voluntary rejection with displeasure._ Pasternak was harassed by the KGB and threatened with expulsion from Russia. After his death in 1960, the Kremlin ordered the arrest of Olga Ivinskaya, his mistress and the inspiration for Lara. Ivinskaya and her daughter were charged with receiving _illegal_ royalties from the publication of Doctor Zhivago abroad. Ivinskaya was sentenced to eight years_ hard labour in Siberia, her daughter to three. An international uproar led to Ivinskaya_s release four years early. _My father played no role in the publication of a Russian edition, nor had he any idea of the CIA_s interest,_ said Yevgeny Pasternak, who accepted the Nobel prize on his father_s behalf in 1989. _My father never expected to receive the prize. Sadly it brought him a lot of sorrow and suffering._ From rdumain@igc.org Tue Jan 16 12:59:21 2007 Received: from pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net ([207.69.200.28]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6uSn-0000YA-Mg for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 12:59:21 -0700 Received: from dialup-4.249.117.220.dial1.washington2.level3.net ([4.249.117.220] helo=clr-de11k3zglhh.igc.org) by pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net with esmtp (Exim 3.36 #1) id 1H6uYE-0000ki-00 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 15:04:59 -0500 Message-Id: <5.1.0.14.0.20070116150521.0444a5f8@pop.igc.org> X-Sender: rdumain@pop.igc.org X-Mailer: QUALCOMM Windows Eudora Version 5.1 Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 15:07:28 -0500 To: From: Ralph Dumain Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Spook culture In-Reply-To: <001c01c739a7$26299710$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"; format=flowed X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 19:59:22 -0000 This is most interesting. It extends our knowledge base of how much the CIA actually intervened in cultural matters. (The FBI did the same domestically.) Of course, this also shows what vile shits the Soviets were. BTW, I thougth the famed movie version of DR. ZHIVAGO was a piece of shit. It was ruined by Britishness. It's hard to play a revolutionary with a broomstick up your ass. At 02:47 PM 1/16/2007 -0500, Charles Brown wrote: >The Sunday Times, January 14, 2007 > > http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2089-2546110.html > >The Sunday Times January 14, 2007 > > How the CIA won Zhivago a Nobel From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Tue Jan 16 14:20:50 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6vje-00012Y-CP for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 14:20:50 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:26:28 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:25:32 -0500 Message-ID: <002301c739b4$dae47410$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc5tNqQKrYf3e41QBOhyzACAaHizA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Spook culture X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 21:20:50 -0000 Ralph Dumain This is most interesting. It extends our knowledge base of how much the CIA actually intervened in cultural matters. (The FBI did the same domestically.) Of course, this also shows what vile shits the Soviets were. BTW, I thougth the famed movie version of DR. ZHIVAGO was a piece of shit. It was ruined by Britishness. It's hard to play a revolutionary with a broomstick up your ass. ^^^^^^ CB: Who was playing a revolutionary in the movie ? From rdumain@igc.org Tue Jan 16 14:29:32 2007 Received: from pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net ([207.69.200.28]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6vs4-00015x-BN for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 14:29:32 -0700 Received: from dialup-4.249.111.30.dial1.washington2.level3.net ([4.249.111.30] helo=clr-de11k3zglhh.igc.org) by pop04.mail.atl.earthlink.net with esmtp (Exim 3.36 #1) id 1H6vxV-0005dB-00 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:35:10 -0500 Message-Id: <5.1.0.14.0.20070116163133.0c0eb548@pop.igc.org> X-Sender: rdumain@pop.igc.org X-Mailer: QUALCOMM Windows Eudora Version 5.1 Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:37:35 -0500 To: From: Ralph Dumain Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Spook culture In-Reply-To: <002301c739b4$dae47410$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"; format=flowed X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 21:29:32 -0000 I don't know. All the actors were British. The Bolshevik leaders were all played by British actors who acted like snooty upper class civil servants. Very unconvincing. But they get away with this stuff because Americans, who are generally quite content and proud to be dumbasses, are under the illusion that anything British has class. Would anyone be willing to be bored to tears by movie versions of English literary classics otherwise? Which reminds me, Woody Allen needs to be beaten to a pulp for "Match Point". I don't think I ever walked out on a movie before, not so early, anyway. I always thought he was an idiot, but this proves it. I used to watch Masturbate Theater on public TV as a teenager. I was hooked on "The Forskin Saga", but I refused to watch "Upstairs Downstairs". BTW, PBS stands for "Pompous British Shit". At 04:25 PM 1/16/2007 -0500, Charles Brown wrote: >Ralph Dumain >This is most interesting. It extends our knowledge base of how much the >CIA actually intervened in cultural matters. (The FBI did the same >domestically.) Of course, this also shows what vile shits the Soviets were. > >BTW, I thougth the famed movie version of DR. ZHIVAGO was a piece of >shit. It was ruined by Britishness. It's hard to play a revolutionary >with a broomstick up your ass. > >^^^^^^ > >CB: Who was playing a revolutionary in the movie ? From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Tue Jan 16 14:51:09 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6wCz-0001CR-14 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 14:51:09 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:56:46 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:55:51 -0500 Message-ID: <002701c739b9$170476d0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc5uRawmHwT+5z6Sui8bEO0RjnoaQ== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Spook culture X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 21:51:09 -0000 Ralph Dumain : I don't know. All the actors were British. The Bolshevik leaders were all played by British actors who acted like snooty upper class civil servants. Very unconvincing. But they get away with this stuff because Americans, who are generally quite content and proud to be dumbasses, are under the illusion that anything British has class. Would anyone be willing to be bored to tears by movie versions of English literary classics otherwise? ^^^^^^ CB: Not to mention the Bolsheviks were supposed to be "declassing" the whole scene. Of course, for those who made this movie , that is the last message they wanted Americans to get about the Bolsheviks. So, maybe they scripted the Bolsheviks as snobs on purpose. Yes, Anglophilia is an American disease. Of course, speaking English is another symptom of a sort. I remember William F. Buckley doing some pre or interim show commentary on something like "Upstairs Downstairs", with a Britisher in the other chair. I was amazed that the normally snobbish Buckley acted as if he was in the presence of somebody very special, or that's the way it seemed to me. ^^^ Which reminds me, Woody Allen needs to be beaten to a pulp for "Match Point". I don't think I ever walked out on a movie before, not so early, anyway. I always thought he was an idiot, but this proves it. ^^^^^ CB: Allen never seemed that funny to me, at least not as funny as all the acclaim he got. Of course, I'm not from Manhattan. ^^^^^ I used to watch Masturbate Theater on public TV as a teenager. I was hooked on "The Forskin Saga", but I refused to watch "Upstairs Downstairs". BTW, PBS stands for "Pompous British Shit". From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Tue Jan 16 14:55:16 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H6wGy-0001Ek-Ix for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 14:55:16 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Tue, 16 Jan 2007 17:00:54 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 16:59:59 -0500 Message-ID: <002801c739b9$aa95de70$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc5uao46n7DI+mKTnWvQCzF483o2A== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Spook culture X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 16 Jan 2007 21:55:16 -0000 Ralph Dumain Of course, this also shows what vile shits the Soviets were. ^^^^^^^ CB; Ok , but how universally shitty do you think the Soviets were ? Seriously, what about all the real threats they were under ? Sure there was paranoia , not to mention gargantuan crimes, but that wasn't the whole story, quite big contradictions too, no ? From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Wed Jan 17 11:46:35 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7Fnv-00070S-4Y for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Wed, 17 Jan 2007 11:46:35 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Wed, 17 Jan 2007 13:52:15 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Wed, 17 Jan 2007 13:51:18 -0500 Message-ID: <002c01c73a68$79877a00$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc6ZoPmc1OjtfqjTnWY1SNt5ctjlAAAJ6eQ X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marx and the natural environment X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Wed, 17 Jan 2007 18:46:35 -0000 The below (History: Fundamental Conditions ) is something of a discussion of the fundamental contradiction between human society and its natural environment. Humans have to eat, drink ( be merry -CB), sleep, shelter themselves, breathe, do all succeed at all predator and prey contests in order to live. There lacking in these is a fundamental contradiction that is solved in their relationship with nature. Historical materialism is the theory that human society develops based on the developing solutions of contradictions and the arising of new contradictions between the material existence and reproduction of humans and their material surroundings, Nature. Humans must also reproduce. Reproduction is as fundamental as production for perpetuation of the species, overcoming the contradictions between the human species and nature. Production and economic classes are the starting point of Marxist analysis of human society, including in the Manifesto, because human life, like all plant and animal life must fulfill biological needs to exist as life at all. It is an appeal to biologic ( which I support, all anti-vulgar materialist critiques to the contrary notwithstanding, but that's another essay). Whatever, humans do that is "higher" than plants and animals, we cannot do if we do not first fulfill our plant/animal like needs. Therefore, the "higher" (cultural, semiotic etc.) human activities are limited by the productive activities. This means that historical materialism starts with human nature, our natural species qualities. Yet, it is fundamental in biology that the basic life sustaining processes of a species are twofold. There is obtaining the material means of life and subsistence or success of survival of the liviing generation, for existence ("production"). But just as fundamentally there is reproduction or success in creating a next generation of the species that is fertile, and survives until it too reproduces viable offspring. Whoever heard of a one genearation species ? In fact, one test of two individual animals being of the same species is their ability to mate and produce viable offspring. We can imagine a group of living beings with the ultimate success in eating and drinking, a habitation, clothing and many other things. But if they do not reproduce, they are either not a species or they are an extinct species (unless the individuals are immortal). Thus, having premised their theory in part on human biology, our "species-being", Marx and Engels were obligated to develop historical materialism, the theory of the Manifesto, based not only on the logic of subsistence production, but also on the logic of next generation reproduction. In _The German Ideology_ , they do recognize reproduction as a "fundamental condition of history" along with production. However, they give reproduction, or at least, "the family" a subordinate "fundamental" status to production when they say: "The third circumstance which from the very outset, enters into historical development, is that men, who daily remake their own life begin to make other men, to propagate their kind: the relation between man and woman' parents and children, the family. The family, which to begin with is the only social relationship, becomes later, when increased needs create a new social relations and the increased population new needs, a subordinate one..." CB ^^^^^^^^^ History: Fundamental Conditions Since we are dealing with the Germans, who are devoid of premises, we must begin by stating the first premise of all human existence and, therefore, of all history, the premise, namely, that men must be in a position to live in order to be able to "make history." But life involves before everything else eating and drinking, a habitation, clothing and many other things. The first historical act is thus the production of the means to satisfy these needs, the production of material life itself. And indeed this is an historical act, a fundamental condition of all history, which today, as thousands of years ago, must daily and hourly be fulfilled merely in order to sustain human life. Even when the sensuous world is reduced to a minimum, to a stick as with Saint Bruno [Bauer], it presupposes the action of producing the stick. Therefore in any interpretation of history one has first of all to observe this fundamental fact in all its significance and all its implications and to accord it its due importance. It is well known that the Germans have never done this, and they have never, therefore, had an earthly basis for history and consequently never an historian. The French and the English, even if they have conceived the relation of this fact with so-called history only in an extremely one-sided fashion, particularly as long as they remained in the toils of political ideology, have nevertheless made the first attempts to give the writing of history a materialistic basis by being the first to write histories of civil society, of commerce and industry. The second point is that the satisfaction of the first need (the action of satisfying, and the instrument of satisfaction which has been acquired) leads to new needs; and this production of new needs is the first historical act. Here we recognise immediately the spiritual ancestry of the great historical wisdom of the Germans who, when they run out of positive material and when they can serve up neither theological nor political nor literary rubbish, assert that this is not history at all, but the "prehistoric era." They do not, however, enlighten us as to how we proceed from this nonsensical "prehistory" to history proper; although, on the other hand, in their historical speculation they seize upon this "prehistory" with especial eagerness because they imagine themselves safe there from interference on the part of "crude facts," and, at the same time, because there they can give full rein to their speculative impulse and set up and knock down hypotheses by the thousand. The third circumstance which, from the very outset, enters into historical development, is that men, who daily remake their own life, begin to make other men, to propagate their kind: the relation between man and woman, parents and children, the family. The family, which to begin with is the only social relationship, becomes later, when increased needs create new social relations and the increased population new needs, a subordinate one (except in Germany), and must then be treated and analysed according to the existing empirical data, not according to "the concept of the family," as is the custom in Germany. [1] These three aspects of social activity are not of course to be taken as three different stages, but just as three aspects or, to make it clear to the Germans, three "moments," which have existed simultaneously since the dawn of history and the first men, and which still assert themselves in history today. The production of life, both of one's own in labour and of fresh life in procreation, now appears as a double relationship: on the one hand as a natural, on the other as a social relationship. By social we understand the co-operation of several individuals, no matter under what conditions, in what manner and to what end. It follows from this that a certain mode of production, or industrial stage, is always combined with a certain mode of co-operation, or social stage, and this mode of co-operation is itself a "productive force." Further, that the multitude of productive forces accessible to men determines the nature of society, hence, that the "history of humanity" must always be studied and treated in relation to the history of industry and exchange. But it is also clear how in Germany it is impossible to write this sort of history, because the Germans lack not only the necessary power of comprehension and the material but also the "evidence of their senses," for across the Rhine you cannot have any experience of these things since history has stopped happening. Thus it is quite obvious from the start that there exists a materialistic connection of men with one another, which is determined by their needs and their mode of production, and which is as old as men themselves. This connection is ever taking on new forms, and thus presents a "history" independently of the existence of any political or religious nonsense which in addition may hold men together. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01a.htm From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Wed Jan 17 13:35:29 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7HVJ-0007us-P4 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Wed, 17 Jan 2007 13:35:29 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Wed, 17 Jan 2007 15:41:10 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Wed, 17 Jan 2007 15:40:13 -0500 Message-ID: <000b01c73a77$b09962b0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc6d7BNYUaePebBQ769SpJWtDVisg== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] The British slave trade X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Wed, 17 Jan 2007 20:35:30 -0000 =20 =20 http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,1992298,00.html Britain's vote to end its slave trade was a precursor to today's liberal = imperialism The sanctimonious interventionism that still motivates British = governments=20 was first conceived in 1807 Richard Gott Wednesday January 17, 2007 The Guardian In March, the British state will rightly celebrate the bicentenary of = the=20 end of Britain's part in the slave trade. Yet ordinary citizens, as well = as=20 schoolteachers and makers of television programmes who may find = themselves=20 caught up in the prolonged bout of self-congratulation imposed by=20 government fiat (with the help of =A316m from the Heritage Lottery = Fund),=20 will do well to reflect on aspects of this anniversary that are not so=20 praiseworthy. In the first place, when remembering the parliamentary vote in 1807, we=20 should also recall that the slave trade was, for more than two = centuries,=20 the central feature of Britain's foreign commerce - endorsed, supported = and=20 profitably enjoyed by the royal family, and by the families of sundry=20 courtiers, financiers, landowners and merchants. The personal and public wealth of Britain created by slave labour was a=20 crucial element in the accumulation of capital that made the industrial=20 revolution possible, and the surviving profits have remained a solid=20 element within specific families and within British society generally,=20 cascading down from generation to generation, in John Major's felicitous = phrase. In this context, the demand for reparations is a serious=20 proposition, similar to the claim put forward by the families of = Holocaust=20 survivors for the return of property stolen by the Nazis. Black people=20 whose forebears were slaves, victims of that other Holocaust, are simply = asking for the stolen fruits of their ancestors' labour power to be = given=20 back to their rightful heirs. Second, we should remember that the end to the trade came not simply = from=20 the useful agitation of Quakers, other Christian dissidents and=20 parliamentary radicals, but also from the work of slaves who engaged in = the=20 propaganda of the deed, people who today would be described as=20 "terrorists". Driving the anti-slave trade agitation was the ever=20 accelerating rate of slave rebellion experienced in the Americas and the = Caribbean in the late 18th century, reaching a peak in the years of the=20 French revolution. It is customary to pay homage to the slave revolutionaries in=20 Saint-Domingue, today's Haiti, who rebelled in August 1791. They seized=20 power, abolished slavery, and established the first black republic in = the=20 Americas. Yet other islands also saw serious uprisings by slaves and=20 Maroons, who - at the time of the French-British wars - seized control = with=20 French help of large parts of Dominica, Guadeloupe, Grenada, St Vincent, = Jamaica, St Lucia and Trinidad. Even where their actions were not=20 eventually successful, the rebellions defeated two British armadas sent = to=20 destroy them, killing thousands of seamen and soldiers (with assistance=20 from the French and from the twin weapon of malaria and yellow fever). = They=20 also deprived the British of income from their sugar plantations for = years.=20 Since those in the forefront of these rebellions were slaves recently=20 arrived from Africa, the stark danger of the continuing slave trade to=20 British commercial interests could not have been more graphically = revealed. Third, in considering the British achievement of 1807, we should = remember=20 that other countries got there first. Again, it is customary to record = the=20 decision of the French convention to abolish slavery itself, on February = 4=20 1794. Yet in the US, in spite of the wording of the constitution adopted = in=20 1787 that endorsed the slave trade (at least for the subsequent 20 = years),=20 several states abandoned slavery. While the southern states grew rich on = slave labour for another 70 years (until 1863), slavery was abolished in = the 1780s in New Jersey and Delaware, and the trade was outlawed in=20 Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York and Rhode Island. The Danes were also among the first in the field, decreeing an end to = the=20 trade to their Caribbean colonies in March 1792 (though it continued = until=20 1803). The British voted much the same way as the Danes at the end of a=20 Commons debate a month later, declaring that "the slave trade ought to = be=20 gradually abolished". The weasel word "gradually" was introduced by an=20 influential imperial politician from Scotland, Henry Dundas, who thereby = postponed the trade's end for 15 years. This long postponement is a further reason for this year's anniversary = to=20 be celebrated in a minor key, for the continuing trade allowed the evil=20 practices of the Atlantic passage to continue, as well as permitting the = British to purchase black people in the slave market to serve in their=20 imperial wars. Black people were imported from the slave market in Goa = and=20 from Mozambique to fight a war of conquest in Ceylon, while 13,000 = slaves=20 were bought in the Caribbean to help in the suppression of slave=20 rebellions. Black battalions were formed in several islands after 1795, = and=20 the soldiers were promised freedom when hostilities ended. Since the=20 promise was often forgotten, the rebellions on one side were followed by = mutinies on the other, both leading to a horrendous litany of floggings = and=20 executions. A fourth aspect of the slave trade ban should not be forgotten: the vote = of=20 1807 was not always respected. The British in Asia continued to take=20 advantage of the continuing trade. The governor in Mauritius, conquered = in=20 1810 from the French, sought to befriend the existing French settlers by = allowing them to continue importing slaves, some 30,000 between 1811 and 1821. The vote did not put an end to the international trade by other nations, = nor did it terminate slavery. Several countries continued the trade, = with=20 half a million slaves arriving in the Americas in the 1820s, more than=20 60,000 a year. About 3,000 slaves were still being landed annually in=20 Brazil in the 1850s. Slavery itself was not abolished in the British = empire=20 until 1838, in the French empire in 1848, and in the US in 1863. Spanish = Cuba continued with slavery until 1886, and Brazil until 1888. One lasting and dubious legacy of 1807 has been the sanctimonious=20 interventionism that has survived in Britain for two centuries, and = still=20 motivates contemporary governments. The British navy was given the task = of=20 patrolling the Atlantic, to police the continuing international trade = from=20 Africa to Brazil, Cuba, and the US. The West Africa Squadron began=20 surveying the coast of Africa, and securing the naval bases that would = make=20 easier the task of imperial expansion later in the century, when east=20 Africa was brought into the frame. Parliamentary radicals, however, were = always opposed to the policy, arguing cogently in the 1840s that "our=20 unavailing attempts to suppress the traffic worsened the lot of the = slaves=20 by making the misery of the Middle Passage worse than ever". Yet their=20 opposition was ineffective. The naval squadron was not phased out until = the=20 1870s, but by then Britain's taste for empire had become well = established. The navy's activities gave the British a taste for international action=20 that has survived long into the post-colonial era. Tony Blair's speech = in=20 Plymouth last week, on Britain as a "war-fighting" nation whose = frontiers=20 reach out to Indonesia, last included in the empire between 1811 and = 1816,=20 was emblematic of the new enthusiasm for imperial revival, echoed by = Gordon=20 Brown's repeated remarks that the empire gives us nothing to apologise = for. The final tragic aspect of the decision to end the slave trade was its=20 arousal of the false expectation among slaves that their servitude might = soon be abolished. It was to be more than 30 years after 1807 before the = British finally abandoned slavery in their empire, years that saw major=20 slave rebellions in Jamaica, Dominica, Barbados, Honduras and Guyana. = All=20 were savagely repressed. Some participants claimed that the trumpeted = news=20 of an end to the trade had led them to believe that slavery itself was=20 over, a mistake that some people still make today. =B7 Richard Gott, author of Hugo Ch=E1vez and the Bolivarian Revolution, = is=20 writing a book about imperial rebellions. rwgott at aol.com =20 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 19 06:35:49 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7tuH-0001K1-Jf for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 06:35:49 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 08:41:33 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 08:40:32 -0500 Message-ID: <000d01c73bcf$64744900$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc7r+T2qyBlRmWCRJWaavyOCeSpqQAH03qQ Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Shaddup And Drive X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 13:35:50 -0000 In industrial culture, easier said than done. John Henry ________________________________________ From: Citizen W. [mailto:citizenw@wowway.com]=20 Sent: Friday, January 19, 2007 4:46 AM To: Undisclosed-Recipient:; Subject: Shaddup And Drive Crash highlights cockpit conversations=20 By JEFFREY McMURRAY, Associated Press Writer Thu Jan 18, 6:23 PM ET=20 WASHINGTON - The crash of a commuter jet that took off from the wrong = runway in Lexington, Ky., last summer has thrown a spotlight on the FAA's = "sterile cockpit" rule =97 a commonly violated and difficult-to-enforce = prohibition against extraneous conversation between the pilots.=20 The pilots of the Comair flight in Lexington were heard talking about = their dogs, their kids and job opportunities just before the plane went down = in flames after struggling to get airborne from a runway that was too = short. The crash killed 49 of the 50 people aboard in the nation's deadliest aviation disaster in five years. Comair acknowledged that pilots Jeffrey Clay and James Polehinke = violated sterile cockpit procedures after federal investigators released a = transcript Wednesday of their conversation. Investigators have not said what role, if any, the cockpit chatter = played in the Aug. 27 crash. But several other air disasters have been blamed, at least in part, on instances in which pilots were too busy talking about things other than flying. Among them: =95 A 2004 crash in Kirksville, Mo., that killed 13 of 15 people aboard = a commuter airliner was blamed on the crew's nonstop joking and expletive-laden banter in the cockpit. =95 In 1988, a Delta Air Lines jet crashed 22 seconds after takeoff from Dallas-Forth Worth International Airport after the crew failed to set = the wing flaps properly. Fourteen people were killed. In the minutes before takeoff, the crew members criticized Marilyn Quayle's looks, said of=A0 = Jesse Jacson "You know, it's scary that someone like him could get as far as = he did," and joked that a crash would one day make their cockpit = conversation public. The FAA adopted the sterile cockpit rule in 1981. It was prompted in = part by a 1974 crash in Charlotte, N.C., that killed 71 people; the pilots were talking about politics while making their landing approach in bad = weather. The rule prohibits extraneous conversation during taxi, takeoff and = landing and operations below 10,000 feet. Aviation insiders say the rule is often disobeyed. "You can't really expect human beings to be robots," said Bill Waldock, = a professor of safety science at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University. "A little bit of nonpertinent conversation, I'd say it happens quite frequently." Moreover, the rule is not easily enforceable. Contract rules prohibit the FAA and airline from releasing =97 or even preserving =97 the cockpit recordings unless there has been an accident. = In fact, if not for the Comair crash, the tape of the chatter would have = been erased before anyone ever listened to it. "Ninety-nine percent of the time the cockpit voice recorder is never listened to," said Faron Collins, a Lexington control tower operator who worked the shift immediately after the crash. "It probably happens more = than the FAA would care to talk about." FAA spokeswoman Laura Brown said agency enforces the rule with regular ride-along inspections and anonymous incident reports that pilots can = file about one another. "We're not there to watch every mechanic turn every screw, and we're not there to listen to every cockpit crew listen to one another," Brown = said. Violators may be punished with a letter of correction, a civil penalty, = or a suspension or revocation of their pilots' license, Brown said. She had = no immediate figures on how often pilots are disciplined for = sterile-cockpit violations. As the Comair pilots went through preflight procedures, Clay talked = about his young children having colds, Polehinke =97 the sole survivor =97 = discussed his four dogs. The two men also talked about pay and working conditions, even as the controller occasionally interrupted to provide instructions. Polehinke has not been stripped of his license. He lost a leg and = suffered brain damage and has told relatives he remembers nothing about the = accident. Representatives of an airline industry group, said airlines "don't have = any indications this has become a growing problem."=20 Robert Clifford, a lawyer representing several victims' family members = from the Kentucky crash, said the chatter reminds him of a 1994 American = Eagle crash in Indiana. In that crash, a flight attendant had a lengthy chat = with one of the pilots in the cockpit. That crash killed 68 people.=20 "I believe it happens all the time," Clifford said. "There's an adage, = `No harm, no foul.' Some level or measure of personal, non-work-based conversation is normal. There comes a point of time where game is on, = and we're focused on our work."=20 Lowell Wiley, a Lexington flight instructor, said that even after = decades in the cockpit, sometimes the sterile cockpit rule slips his mind. "Occasionally I'll forget about it and say something," Wiley said. = "Things do come up and you'll say something. There's a lot of that going on."=20 Ray Rowhuff, who spent 20 years flying for the Kansas Army National = Guard and worked as a flight examiner, said of professional pilots: "It's like people driving down the road and talking on the phone, putting on = lipstick or putting on your trousers. Everybody knows you shouldn't do that, but = they do."=20 ___=20 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 19 07:00:47 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7uIQ-0001RP-W4 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 07:00:47 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 09:06:31 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 09:05:30 -0500 Message-ID: <002001c73bd2$e135f850$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc70uDpCcjRcaqDT7aNEZNy6XMRYg== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Progress X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 14:00:47 -0000 " Others are Harvard biologist and two-time Pulitzer Prize winner Edward O. Wilson and NASA scientist James E. Hansen, who came under fire from the White House after a 2005 lecture in which he called for urgent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions to slow global warming." Wilson's good practice indicates we might want look into peace negotiations with the sociobiologists. Charles __ Science and Faith Join Forces By Associated Press RODRIQUE NGOWI Updated: 1/16/2007 BOSTON Some leading scientists and evangelical Christian leaders have agreed to put aside their fierce differences over the origin of life and work together to fight global warming. Representatives met recently in Georgia and agreed on the need for urgent action. Details on the talks will be disclosed in Washington on Wednesday. "Whether God created the Earth in a millisecond or whether it evolved over billions of years, the issue we agree on is that it needs to be cared for today," said Rich Cizik, vice president of government relations for the National Association of Evangelicals, which represents 45,000 churches. Eric Chivian, director of the Center for Health and the Global Environment at Harvard Medical School, agreed, saying: "Scientists and evangelicals have discovered that we share a deeply felt common concern and sense of urgency about threats to life on Earth and that we must speak with one voice to protect it." Chivian and Cizik, both of whom participated in the talks, declined further comment. In February 2006, 86 evangelical leaders signed a statement to fight global warming, saying that human-induced climate change is real, that its consequences will hit the poor the hardest, and that Christian moral convictions demand an urgent response. They argued that governments, businesses, churches and individuals all have a role to play. Signatories included presidents of evangelical colleges, aid groups, churches and pastors of megachurches. The powerful National Association of Evangelicals, however, did not join the initiative. It is unclear whether Cizik's involvement in the new campaign will lead the organization to adopt the environment as a central part of its agenda. Evangelicals and scientists previously failed to launch a large-scale joint initiative, partly because of differences between evolutionary science and a literal interpretation of the Bible _ a rift that dates back to Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection. Those who met in Georgia, however, are expected to argue that the threat to life on Earth is too great to let the rift prevent them from working together to combat greenhouse emissions. Speakers at the Wednesday announcement will include megachurch pastor Joel Hunter, who refused to take the leadership of Christian Coalition of America because the organization wouldn't let him expand its agenda to include the environment and poverty. Others are Harvard biologist and two-time Pulitzer Prize winner Edward O. Wilson and NASA scientist James E. Hansen, who came under fire from the White House after a 2005 lecture in which he called for urgent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions to slow global warming. "The evangelicals have a lot of clout on the conservative side of the political spectrum, and their voice would be a very welcome one," said Jim Presswood of the Natural Resources Defense Council. Copyright 2007 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed. ________________________________ A-list * Prev by Date: [A-List] Iraq, Somalia: George Bush, war criminal - Green Left Weekly, #694 17 January 2007 * Next by Date: Re: [A-List] Gulf Allies Support Goals of New U.S. Strategy in Iraq * Previous by thread: [A-List] Iraq, Somalia: George Bush, war criminal - Green Left Weekly, #694 17 January 2007 * Next by thread: [A-List] 9, 000-year-old artifacts found on occupied land in Caledonia, Ont. * Index(es): * Date * Thread * Thread context: * [A-List] I Remember The Helicopters... Revisited, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 17:48 GMT * [A-List] Chief Big Foot Memorial Ride - ICT, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 17:11 GMT * [A-List] Palenst-Indians, Macdonald Stainsby Thu 18 Jan 2007, 14:33 GMT * [A-List] 9, 000-year-old artifacts found on occupied land in Caledonia, Ont., Macdonald Stainsby Thu 18 Jan 2007, 14:30 GMT * [A-List] Step forward, Charles Brown Thu 18 Jan 2007, 12:42 GMT * [A-List] Iraq, Somalia: George Bush, war criminal - Green Left Weekly, #694 17 January 2007, glparramatta Thu 18 Jan 2007, 09:58 GMT * [A-List] watchful_eyes, tony black Thu 18 Jan 2007, 09:58 GMT * [A-List] Watada Addendenum, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 05:03 GMT * [A-List] Update: Watada Court-Martial, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 04:37 GMT ________________________________ [ Other Periods | Other mailing lists | Search ] ________________________________ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 19 07:01:40 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7uJI-0001ST-Eq for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 07:01:40 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 09:07:24 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 09:06:24 -0500 Message-ID: <002101c73bd3$01230900$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc70uDpCcjRcaqDT7aNEZNy6XMRYgAABFNQ Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Step forward X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 14:01:40 -0000 " Others are Harvard biologist and two-time Pulitzer Prize winner Edward O. Wilson and NASA scientist James E. Hansen, who came under fire from the White House after a 2005 lecture in which he called for urgent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions to slow global warming." Wilson's good practice indicates we might want look into peace negotiations with the sociobiologists. Charles __ Science and Faith Join Forces By Associated Press RODRIQUE NGOWI Updated: 1/16/2007 BOSTON Some leading scientists and evangelical Christian leaders have agreed to put aside their fierce differences over the origin of life and work together to fight global warming. Representatives met recently in Georgia and agreed on the need for urgent action. Details on the talks will be disclosed in Washington on Wednesday. "Whether God created the Earth in a millisecond or whether it evolved over billions of years, the issue we agree on is that it needs to be cared for today," said Rich Cizik, vice president of government relations for the National Association of Evangelicals, which represents 45,000 churches. Eric Chivian, director of the Center for Health and the Global Environment at Harvard Medical School, agreed, saying: "Scientists and evangelicals have discovered that we share a deeply felt common concern and sense of urgency about threats to life on Earth and that we must speak with one voice to protect it." Chivian and Cizik, both of whom participated in the talks, declined further comment. In February 2006, 86 evangelical leaders signed a statement to fight global warming, saying that human-induced climate change is real, that its consequences will hit the poor the hardest, and that Christian moral convictions demand an urgent response. They argued that governments, businesses, churches and individuals all have a role to play. Signatories included presidents of evangelical colleges, aid groups, churches and pastors of megachurches. The powerful National Association of Evangelicals, however, did not join the initiative. It is unclear whether Cizik's involvement in the new campaign will lead the organization to adopt the environment as a central part of its agenda. Evangelicals and scientists previously failed to launch a large-scale joint initiative, partly because of differences between evolutionary science and a literal interpretation of the Bible _ a rift that dates back to Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection. Those who met in Georgia, however, are expected to argue that the threat to life on Earth is too great to let the rift prevent them from working together to combat greenhouse emissions. Speakers at the Wednesday announcement will include megachurch pastor Joel Hunter, who refused to take the leadership of Christian Coalition of America because the organization wouldn't let him expand its agenda to include the environment and poverty. Others are Harvard biologist and two-time Pulitzer Prize winner Edward O. Wilson and NASA scientist James E. Hansen, who came under fire from the White House after a 2005 lecture in which he called for urgent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions to slow global warming. "The evangelicals have a lot of clout on the conservative side of the political spectrum, and their voice would be a very welcome one," said Jim Presswood of the Natural Resources Defense Council. Copyright 2007 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed. ________________________________ A-list * Prev by Date: [A-List] Iraq, Somalia: George Bush, war criminal - Green Left Weekly, #694 17 January 2007 * Next by Date: Re: [A-List] Gulf Allies Support Goals of New U.S. Strategy in Iraq * Previous by thread: [A-List] Iraq, Somalia: George Bush, war criminal - Green Left Weekly, #694 17 January 2007 * Next by thread: [A-List] 9, 000-year-old artifacts found on occupied land in Caledonia, Ont. * Index(es): * Date * Thread * Thread context: * [A-List] I Remember The Helicopters... Revisited, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 17:48 GMT * [A-List] Chief Big Foot Memorial Ride - ICT, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 17:11 GMT * [A-List] Palenst-Indians, Macdonald Stainsby Thu 18 Jan 2007, 14:33 GMT * [A-List] 9, 000-year-old artifacts found on occupied land in Caledonia, Ont., Macdonald Stainsby Thu 18 Jan 2007, 14:30 GMT * [A-List] Step forward, Charles Brown Thu 18 Jan 2007, 12:42 GMT * [A-List] Iraq, Somalia: George Bush, war criminal - Green Left Weekly, #694 17 January 2007, glparramatta Thu 18 Jan 2007, 09:58 GMT * [A-List] watchful_eyes, tony black Thu 18 Jan 2007, 09:58 GMT * [A-List] Watada Addendenum, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 05:03 GMT * [A-List] Update: Watada Court-Martial, Leigh Meyers Thu 18 Jan 2007, 04:37 GMT ________________________________ [ Other Periods | Other mailing lists | Search ] ________________________________ From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 19 08:06:55 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7vKR-0001dA-10 for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 08:06:55 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 10:12:39 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 10:11:38 -0500 Message-ID: <003b01c73bdc$1e3aea90$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc73B3pSFzCqP+MRtC93G43xzrgEA== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] : Economic_and_Philosophical_Manuscripts_of_1844 X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 15:06:55 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 >From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search Economic & Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 (also referred to as The = Paris Manuscripts) are a series of notes written between April and August 1844 = by Karl Marx. Not published by Marx during his lifetime, they were first released in 1932 by researchers in the Soviet Union. The notebooks are an early expression of Marx's analysis of economics = and critique of G.W.F. Hegel. The notes cover a wide range of topics = including private property, communism, and money. They are best known for their = early expression of Marx's argument that the conditions of modern industrial societies result in the estrangement (or alienation) of workers from = their own labor. Because the 1844 manuscripts show Marx's thought at the time of its = early genesis, their publication has profoundly affected recent scholarship on Marx and Marxism, particularly regarding the relation of Marxism to = earlier work in German Idealism. The young Marx had been ignored until recently, because his early works were considered more "philosophical" and not = enough "scientific", that is, "economic" as in Das Kapital. However, Marxist humanists regard this book as one of the most important books of Marx = and crucial for understanding his thought, and Marxians also refer to it. In the first manuscript, Marx exposes his theory of alienation, which he adapted from Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity (1841). He explains how, under capitalism, more and more people rely on "labor" to live. = That is, before people could rely in part on Nature itself for its "natural needs"; in modern society, if one wants to eat, one must work: it is = only through money that one may survive. Thus, if the alienation of the = worker consists in being a "slave toward its object", the worker is doubly alienated: "first, he receives an object of labour, that is he finds = work [as one says: 'I finally found work!'], and second, he receives means of subsistence. He thereby owes it [to labour] the possibility to exist = first as a worker, second as a physical subject. The last straw of this = servitude [or serfdom] is that it is only his quality as a worker that permits him = to continue to conserve himself as a physical subject, and it is only as a physical subject that he can be a worker". In other words, the worker = relies on labour to find money to be able to live; but he doesn't simply live, = he actually only survives, as a worker. Labour is only used to create more wealth, instead of achieving the fulfillment of "human nature". This intervention of the concept of "human nature" has also been one of the long-standing factors in this text's being largely ignored, as it seemed = too "humanist" and therefore akin to liberalism and bourgeois philosophy (in = a literal sense: a philosophy founded on the bourgeois rights of Man proclaimed in the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the = Citizen). [edit] See also * Karl Marx=20 * Young Marx=20 * Marxism=20 * Marxist theory=20 * Marxist philosophy=20 * Young Hegelians=20 * German Idealism=20 * Materialism=20 * Philosophy in the Soviet Union=20 * Marxist humanism=20 [edit] External link * Economic & Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 = =20 The works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels=09 Marx: Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right (1843), On the Jewish = Question (1843), Notes on James Mill (1844), Economic and Philosophical = Manuscripts of 1844 (1844), Theses on Feuerbach (1845), The Poverty of Philosophy (1845), Wage-Labor and Capital (1847), The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon (1852), Grundrisse (1857), Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859), Theories of Surplus Value, 3 = volumes (1862), Value, Price and Profit (1865), Capital vol. 1 (1867), The Civil = War in France (1871), Critique of the Gotha Program (1875), Notes on Wagner (1883) =09 Marx and Engels: The German Ideology (1845), The Holy Family (1845), Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), Writings on the U.S. Civil War (1861), Capital, vol. 2 [posthumously, published by Engels] (1893), = Capital, vol. 3 [posthumously, published by Engels] (1894) =09 Engels: The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 (1844), = The Peasant War in Germany (1850), Revolution and Counter-Revolution in = Germany (1852), Anti-D=FChring (1878), Dialectics of Nature (1883), The Origin = of the Family, Private Property, and the State (1884), Ludwig Feuerbach and the = End of Classical German Philosophy (1886) =09 =09 Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_and_Philosophical_Manuscripts_of_1= 844 " Categories: 1932 books | Economics books | History books | Philosophy = books | Communist books | Books by Karl Marx From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 19 08:17:48 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7vUx-0001fN-Rn for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 08:17:48 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 10:23:32 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 10:22:30 -0500 Message-ID: <003f01c73bdd$a38a9cd0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc73aKZtyW9uPw4TbWxlJfqOPO0sA== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 15:17:48 -0000 ________________________________ Frederick Engels Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy ________________________________ Foreword ________________________________ In the preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, published in Berlin, 1859, Karl Marx relates how the two of us in Brussels in the year 1845 set about: "to work out in common the opposition of our view" - the materialist conception of history which was elaborated mainly by Marx - to the ideological view of German philosophy, in fact, to settle accounts with our erstwhile philosophical conscience. The resolve was carried out in the form of a criticism of post-Hegelian philosophy. The manuscript, two large octavo volumes, had long reached its place of publication in Westphalia when we received the news that altered circumstances did not allow of its being printed. We abandoned the manuscript to the gnawing criticism of the mice all the more willingly as we had achieved our main purpose - self-clarification! Since then more than 40 years have elapsed and Marx died without either of us having had an opportunity of returning to the subject. We have expressed ourselves in various places regarding our relation to Hegel, but nowhere in a comprehensive, connected account. To Feuerbach, who after all in many respects forms an intermediate link between Hegelian philosophy and our conception, we never returned. In the meantime, the Marxist world outlook has found representatives far beyond the boundaries of Germany and Europe and in all the literary languages of the world. On the other hand, classical German philosophy is experiencing a kind of rebirth abroad, especially in England and Scandinavia, and even in Germany itself people appear to be getting tired of the pauper's broth of eclecticism which is ladled out in the universities there under the name of philosophy. In these circumstances, a short, coherent account of our relation to the Hegelian philosophy, of how we proceeded, as well as of how we separated, from it, appeared to me to be required more and more. Equally, a full acknowledgement of the influence which Feuerbach, more than any other post-Hegelian philosopher, had upon us during our period of storm and stress, appeared to me to be an undischarged debt of honor. I therefore willingly seized the opportunity when the editors of Neue Zeit asked me for a critical review of Starcke's book on Feuerbach. My contribution was published in that journal in the fourth and fifth numbers of 1886 and appears here in revised form as a separate publication. Before sending these lines to press, I have once again ferreted out and looked over the old manuscript of 1845-46 [The German Ideology]. The section dealing with Feuerbach is not completed. The finished portion consists of an exposition of the materialist conception of history which proves only how incomplete our knowledge of economic history still was at that time. It contains no criticism of Feuerbach's doctrine itself; for the present purposes, therefore, it was unusable. On the other hand, in an old notebook of Marx's I have found the 11 Theses on Feuerbach, printed here as an appendix. These are notes hurriedly scribbled down for later elaboration, absolutely not intended for publication, but invaluable as the first document in which is deposited the brilliant germ of the new world outlook. Frederick Engels London February 21, 1888 Part 1: Hegel ________________________________ Table of Contents: Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Fri Jan 19 08:18:25 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.51]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H7vVZ-0001gV-8l for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 08:18:25 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Fri, 19 Jan 2007 10:24:09 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 10:23:08 -0500 Message-ID: <004001c73bdd$b9b75700$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc73blm+01lqzRCRu63Z0AOQaBdaw== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Theses On Feuerbach X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Fri, 19 Jan 2007 15:18:25 -0000 =20 =20 ________________________________ Karl Marx 1845 Theses On Feuerbach ________________________________ Written: by Marx in Brussels in the spring of 1845, under the title = =931) ad Feuerbach=94; Marx=92s original text was first published in 1924, in German and in = Russian translation, by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Marx-Engels = Archives, Book I, Moscow. The English translation was first published in the = Lawrence and Wishart edition of The German Ideology in 1938. The most widely = known version of the =93Theses=94 is that based on Engels=92 edited version, = published as an appendix to his Ludwig Feuerbach in 1888, where he gave it the = title Theses on Feuerbach; Translated: by Cyril Smith 2002, based on work done jointly with Don Cuckson. ________________________________ 1 The main defect of all hitherto-existing materialism =97 that of = Feuerbach included =97 is that the Object [der Gegenstand], actuality, = sensuousness, are conceived only in the form of the object [Objekts], or of contemplation [Anschauung], but not as human sensuous activity, practice [Praxis], not subjectively. Hence it happened that the active side, in opposition to materialism, was developed by idealism =97 but only abstractly, since, = of course, idealism does not know real, sensuous activity as such. = Feuerbach wants sensuous objects [Objekte], differentiated from thought-objects, = but he does not conceive human activity itself as objective = [gegenst=E4ndliche] activity. In The Essence of Christianity [Das Wesen des Christenthums], = he therefore regards the theoretical attitude as the only genuinely human attitude, while practice is conceived and defined only in its = dirty-Jewish form of appearance [Erscheinungsform]. Hence he does not grasp the significance of =91revolutionary=92, of =91practical-critical=92, = activity. 2 The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking = is not a question of theory but is a practical question. Man must prove the truth, i.e., the reality and power, the this-sidedness [Diesseitigkeit] = of his thinking, in practice. The dispute over the reality or non-reality = of thinking which is isolated from practice is a purely scholastic = question. 3 The materialist doctrine that men are products of circumstances and upbringing, and that, therefore, changed men are products of changed circumstances and changed upbringing, forgets that it is men who change circumstances and that the educator must himself be educated. Hence this doctrine is bound to divide society into two parts, one of which is = superior to society. The coincidence of the changing of circumstances and of = human activity or self-change [Selbstver=E4nderung] can be conceived and = rationally understood only as revolutionary practice. 4 Feuerbach starts off from the fact of religious self-estrangement [Selbstentfremdung], of the duplication of the world into a religious, imaginary world, and a secular [weltliche] one. His work consists in resolving the religious world into its secular basis. He overlooks the = fact that after completing this work, the chief thing still remains to be = done. For the fact that the secular basis lifts off from itself and = establishes itself in the clouds as an independent realm can only be explained by = the inner strife and intrinsic contradictoriness of this secular basis. The latter must itself be understood in its contradiction and then, by the removal of the contradiction, revolutionised. Thus, for instance, once = the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of the holy family, the = former must itself be annihilated [vernichtet] theoretically and practically. 5 Feuerbach, not satisfied with abstract thinking, wants sensuous contemplation [Anschauung]; but he does not conceive sensuousness as practical, human-sensuous activity. 6 Feuerbach resolves the essence of religion into the essence of man [menschliche Wesen =3D =91human nature=92]. But the essence of man is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In reality, it is the ensemble of the social relations. Feuerbach, who does not enter upon a criticism of this real essence is hence obliged:=20 1. To abstract from the historical process and to define the religious sentiment regarded by itself, and to presuppose an abstract =97 isolated = - human individual. 2. The essence therefore can by him only be regarded as =91species=92, = as an inner =91dumb=92 generality which unites many individuals only in a = natural way. 7 Feuerbach consequently does not see that the =91religious sentiment=92 = is itself a social product, and that the abstract individual that he analyses = belongs in reality to a particular social form. 8 All social life is essentially practical. All mysteries which lead = theory to mysticism find their rational solution in human practice and in the comprehension of this practice. 9 The highest point reached by contemplative [anschauende] materialism, = that is, materialism which does not comprehend sensuousness as practical activity, is the contemplation of single individuals and of civil = society [b=FCrgerlichen Gesellschaft]. 10 The standpoint of the old materialism is civil society; the standpoint = of the new is human society or social humanity. =20 11 Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; = the point is to change it. =20 ________________________________ Deutsch | 1938 Translation | Engels=92 edition Engels on Feuerbach | Image of Thesis 11 | Works Index=20 From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sat Jan 20 07:03:42 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H8Goo-0007XC-Hm for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sat, 20 Jan 2007 07:03:42 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sat, 20 Jan 2007 09:09:28 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Sat, 20 Jan 2007 09:08:25 -0500 Message-ID: <001601c73c9c$740d9380$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc8nHO1EGduc32AQoum1IICbqqCrQ== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Marxists' Internet Archive Update X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sat, 20 Jan 2007 14:03:42 -0000 ________________________________ [Marxism] David Walters can't post at the moment as the MIA server is down and only working sporadically and will probably give up the ghost completely soon. So he's asked me to give a brief update of the situation. We are in the process of buying a new server and looking for a new host. We are already in discussions with a potential host. We'll try to keep our present server online as long as possible, but it looks like it'll be 3 or 4 weeks before we're up an running normally again. In the meantime we recommend our readers to use one of our mirrors: US East: http://www2.cddc.vt.edu/marxists/ US South: http://marxists.architexturez.net/ Asia/Pacific: http://marxists.anu.edu.au/ Britain: http://www.marxists.org.uk/ France: http://www.marxistsfr.cjb.net/ Germany: http://marxists.catbull.com/ Russia: http://marxists.nigilist.ru/ We'll keep you posted on further developments. Einde O'Callaghan (for the Marxists' Internet Archive) From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Sun Jan 21 09:53:39 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H8fwp-0004xT-9E for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Sun, 21 Jan 2007 09:53:39 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Sun, 21 Jan 2007 11:59:28 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Sun, 21 Jan 2007 11:58:24 -0500 Message-ID: <000601c73d7d$5d1b3920$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc9fVzK1Klhfy2nT6mxv9Eb0Br93A== Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] I Learned About Flying From That... X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Sun, 21 Jan 2007 16:53:39 -0000 * To: The A-List * [A-List] I Learned About Flying From That..., Charles Brown Sat 20 Jan 2007, 16:59 GMT * [A-List] Uncle Sam, Bill Totten Fri 19 Jan 2007, 22:49 GMT * [A-List] Arash Norouzi explains the "wiped off the map" controversy, Yoshie Furuhashi Fri 19 Jan 2007, 19:09 GMT * [A-List] Hugo and Mahmoud, Henry C.K. Liu Fri 19 Jan 2007, 16:52 GMT ________________________________ [ Other Periods | Other mailing lists | Search ] ________________________________ From Waistline2@aol.com Mon Jan 22 01:05:12 2007 Received: from imo-m18.mx.aol.com ([64.12.138.208]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H8uAy-0007fk-2F for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 01:05:12 -0700 Received: from Waistline2@aol.com by imo-m18.mx.aol.com (mail_out_v38_r7.6.) id w.c50.d18e606 (30738) for ; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 03:10:25 -0500 (EST) From: Waistline2@aol.com Message-ID: Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2007 03:10:23 EST Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Theses On Feuerbach To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="US-ASCII" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: 9.0 Security Edition for Windows sub 5352 X-Spam-Flag: NO X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2007 08:05:12 -0000 11 >> Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.<< Comment Once an activist or insurgent has crossed the point of discourse based on philosophy, - a point Marx himself helped us cross, hence his importance in world history, the above propositions shifts. Actually the point is to change it . . . the world, in a specific direction and according to a specific vision of that, which is possible. This requires taking into account the positive and negative - if you will, experiences and lessons taught to humanity between the time Marx wrote this famous passage and January 2007. Melvin P. From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Mon Jan 22 08:30:01 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H917Q-0000uv-Nh for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 08:30:01 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 10:35:52 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2007 10:34:46 -0500 Message-ID: <001101c73e3a$d8db3b60$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc+OthhMU67HHIGRKujCnsIRb08EA== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] A National Intelligence Estimate on the United States X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2007 15:30:01 -0000 A National Intelligence Estimate on the United States {1} by Chalmers Johnson {2} Harper's Magazine (January 2007) KEY JUDGMENTS The United States remains, for the moment, the most powerful nation in history, but it faces a violent contradiction between its long republican tradition and its more recent imperial ambitions. The fate of previous democratic empires suggests that such a conflict is unsustainable and will be resolved in one of two ways. Rome attempted to keep its empire and lost its democracy. Britain chose to remain democratic and in the process let go its empire. Intentionally or not, the people of the United States already are well embarked upon the course of non-democratic empire. Several factors, however, indicate that this course will be a brief one, which most likely will end in economic and political collapse. Military Keynesianism: The imperial project is expensive. The flow of the nation's wealth from taxpayers and (increasingly) foreign lenders through the government to military contractors and (decreasingly) back to the taxpayers - has created a form of "military Keynesianism", in which the domestic economy requires sustained military ambition in order to avoid recession or collapse. The Unitary Presidency: Sustained military ambition is inherently anti-republican, in that it tends to concentrate power in the executive branch. In the United States, President George W Bush subscribes to an esoteric interpretation of the Constitution called the theory of the unitary executive, which holds, in effect, that the president has the authority to ignore the separation of powers written into the Constitution, creating a feedback loop in which permanent war and the unitary presidency are mutually reinforcing. Failed Checks on Executive Ambition: The US legislature and judiciary appear to be incapable of restraining the president and therefore restraining imperial ambition. Direct opposition from the people, in the form of democratic action or violent uprising, is unlikely because the television and print media have by and large found it unprofitable to inform the public about the actions of the country's leaders. Nor is it likely that the military will attempt to take over the executive branch by way of a coup. Bankruptcy and Collapse: Confronted by the limits of its own vast but nonetheless finite financial resources and lacking the political check on spending provided by a functioning democracy, the United States will within a very short time face financial or even political collapse at home and a significantly diminished ability to project force abroad. DISCUSSION Military Keynesianism The ongoing US militarization of its foreign affairs has spiked precipitously in recent years, with increasingly expensive commitments in Afghanistan and Iraq. These commitments grew from many specific political factors, including the ideological predilections of the current regime, the growing need for material access to the oil rich regions of the Middle East, and a long-term bipartisan emphasis on hegemony as a basis for national security. The domestic economic basis for these commitments, however, is consistently overlooked. Indeed, America's hegemonic policy is in many ways most accurately understood as the inevitable result of its decades-long policy of military Keynesianism. During the Depression that preceded World War II, the English economist John Maynard Keynes, a liberal capitalist, proposed a form of governance that would mitigate the boom-and bust cycles inherent in capitalist economies. To prevent the economy from contracting, a development typically accompanied by social unrest, Keynes thought the government should take on debt in order to put people back to work. Some of these deficit-financed government jobs might be socially useful, but Keynes was not averse to creating make-work tasks if necessary. During periods of prosperity, the government would cut spending and rebuild the treasury. Such countercyclical planning was called "pump-priming". Upon taking office in 1933, US President Franklin Roosevelt, with the assistance of Congress, put several Keynesian measures into effect, including socialized retirement plans, minimum wages for all workers, and government-financed jobs on massive projects, including the Triborough Bridge in New York City, the Grand Coulee Dam in Washington, and the Tennessee Valley Authority, a flood-control and electric-power generation complex covering seven states. Conservative capitalists feared that this degree of government intervention would delegitimate capitalism - which they understood as an economic system of quasi-natural laws - and shift the balance of power from the capitalist class to the working class and its unions. For these reasons, establishment figures tried to hold back countercyclical spending. The onset of World War II, however, made possible a significantly modified form of state socialism. The exiled Polish economist Michal Kalecki attributed Germany's success in overcoming the global Depression to a phenomenon that has come to be known as "military Keynesianism". Government spending on arms increased manufacturing and also had a multiplier effect on general consumer spending by raising worker incomes. Both of these points are in accordance with general Keynesian doctrine. In addition, the enlargement of standing armies absorbed many workers, often young males with few skills and less education. The military thus becomes an employer of last resort, like Roosevelt's Civilian Conservation Corps, but on a much larger scale. Rather than make bridges and dams, however, workers would make bullets, tanks, and fighter planes. This made all the difference. Although Adolf Hitler did not undertake rearmament for purely economic reasons, the fact that he advocated governmental support for arms production made him acceptable not only to the German industrialists, who might otherwise have opposed his destabilizing expansionist policies, but also to many around the world who celebrated his achievement of a "German economic miracle". In the United States, Keynesian policies continued to benefit workers, but, as in Germany, they also increasingly benefited wealthy manufacturers and other capitalists. By the end of the war, the United States had seen a massive shift. Dwight Eisenhower, who helped win that war and later became president, described this shift in his 1961 presidential farewell address: Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States corporations. This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence - economic, political, and even spiritual - is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society. Eisenhower went on to suggest that such an arrangement, which he called the "military industrial complex", could be perilous to American ideals. The short-term economic benefits were clear, but the very nature of those benefits - which were all too carefully distributed among workers and owners in "every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government" - tended to short-circuit Keynes's insistence that government spending be cut back in good times. The prosperity of the United States came increasingly to depend upon the construction and continual maintenance of a vast war machine, and so military supremacy and economic security became increasingly intertwined in the minds of voters. No one wanted to turn off the pump. Between 1940 and 1996, for instance, the United States spent nearly $4.5 trillion on the development, testing, and construction of nuclear weapons alone. By 1967, the peak year of its nuclear stockpile, the United States possessed some 32,000 deliverable bombs. None of them was ever used, which illustrates perfectly Keynes's observation that, in order to create jobs, the government might as well decide to bury money in old mines and "leave them to private enterprise on the well-tried principles of laissez faire to dig them up again". Nuclear bombs were not just America's secret weapon; they were also a secret economic weapon. Such spending helped create economic growth that lasted until the 1973 oil crisis. In the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan once again brought the tools of military Keynesianism to bear, with a policy of significant tax cuts and massive deficit spending on military projects, allegedly to combat a new threat from Communism. Reagan's military expenditures accounted for 5.9 percent of the gross domestic product in 1984, which in turn fueled a seven percent growth rate for the economy as a whole and helped reelect Reagan by a landslide. During the Clinton years military spending fell to about three percent of GDP, but the economy rallied strongly in Clinton's second term due to the boom in information technologies, weakness in the previously competitive Japanese economy, and - paradoxically - serious efforts to reduce the national debt. {3} With the coming to power of George W Bush, however, military Keynesianism returned once again. Indeed, after he began his war with Iraq, the once-erratic relationship between defense spending and economic growth became nearly parallel. A spike in defense spending in one quarter would see a spike in GDP, and a drop in defense spending would likewise see a drop in GDP. To understand the real weight of military Keynesianism in the American economy today, however, one must approach official defense statistics with great care. The "defense" budget of the United States - that is, the reported budget of the Department of Defense - does not include: the Department of Energy's spending on nuclear weapons ($16.4 billion slated for fiscal 2006), the Department of Homeland Security's outlays for the actual "defense" of the United States ($41 billion), or the Department of Veterans Affairs' responsibilities for the lifetime care of the seriously wounded ($68 billion). Nor does it include the billions of dollars the Department of State spends each year to finance foreign arms sales and militarily related development or the Treasury Department's payment of pensions to military retirees and widows and their families (an amount not fully disclosed by official statistics). Still to be added are interest payments by the Treasury to cover past debt-financed defense outlays. The economist Robert Higgs estimates that in 2002 such interest payments amounted to $138.7 billion. Even when all these things are included, Enron-style accounting makes it hard to obtain an accurate understanding of US dependency on military spending. In 2005, the Government Accounting Office reported to Congress that "neither DOD nor Congress can reliably know how much the war is costing" or "details on how the appropriated funds are being spent". Indeed, the GAO found that, lacking a reliable method of tracking military costs, the Army had taken to simply inserting into its accounts figures that matched the available budget. Such actions seem absurd in terms of military logic. But they are perfectly logical responses to the requirements of military Keynesianism, which places its emphasis not on the demand for defense but rather on the available supply of money. The Unitary Presidency Military Keynesianism may be economic development by other means, but it does very often lead to real war, or, if not real war, then a significantly warlike political environment. This creates a feedback loop: American presidents know that military Keynesianism tends to concentrate power in the executive branch, and so presidents who seek greater power have a natural inducement to encourage further growth of the military-industrial complex. As the phenomena feed on each other, the usual outcome is a real war, based not on the needs of national defense but rather on the domestic political logic of military Keynesianism. As US Senator Robert La Follett Sr observed, "In times of peace, the war party insists on making preparation for war. As soon as prepared for war, it insists on making war." George W Bush has taken this natural political phenomenon to an extreme never before experienced by the American electorate. Every president has sought greater authority, but Bush - whose father lost his position as forty-first president in a fair and open election - appears to believe that increasing presidential authority is both a birthright and a central component of his historical legacy. He is supported in this belief by his vice president and chief adviser, Dick Cheney. In pursuit of more power, Bush and Cheney have unilaterally authorized preventive war against nations they designate as needing "regime change", directed American soldiers to torture persons they have seized and imprisoned in various countries, ordered the National Security Agency to carry out illegal "data mining" surveillance of the American people, and done everything they could to prevent Congress from outlawing "cruel, inhumane, or degrading" treatment of people detained by the United States. Each of these actions has been undertaken for specific ideological, tactical, or practical reasons, but also as part of a general campaign of power concentration. Cheney complained in 2002 that, since he had served as Gerald Ford's chief of staff, he had seen a significant erosion in executive power as post-Watergate presidents were forced to "cough up and compromise on important principles". He was referring to such reforms as the War Powers Act of 1973, which requires that the president obtain congressional approval within ninety days of ordering troops into combat; the Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which was designed to stop Nixon from impounding funds for programs he did not like; the Freedom of Information Act of 1966, which Congress strengthened in 1974; President Ford's Executive Order 11905 of 1976, which outlawed political assassination; and the Intelligence Oversight Act of 1980, which gave more power to the House and Senate select committees on intelligence. Cheney said that these reforms were "unwise" because they "weaken the presidency and the vice presidency", and added that he and the president felt an obligation "to pass on our offices in better shape than we found them". No president, however, has ever acknowledged the legitimacy of the War Powers Act, and most of these so-called limitations on presidential power had been gutted, ignored, or violated long before Cheney became vice president. Republican Senator John Sununu of New Hampshire said, "The vice president may be the only person I know of that believes the executive has somehow lost power over the last thirty years". Bush and Cheney have made it a primary goal of their terms in office, nonetheless, to carve executive power into the law, and the war has been the primary vehicle for such actions. John Yoo, Bush's deputy assistant attorney general from 2001 to 2003, writes in his book War By Other Means (Atlantic Monthly Press, 2006), "We are used to a peacetime system in which Congress enacts laws, the President enforces them, and the courts interpret them. In wartime, the gravity shifts to the executive branch." Bush has claimed that he is "the commander" and "the decider" and that therefore he does not "owe anybody an explanation" for anything. {4} Similarly, in a September 2006 press conference, White House spokesman Tony Snow engaged in this dialogue: Q: Isn't it the Supreme Court that's supposed to decide whether laws are unconstitutional or not? A: No, as a matter of fact the president has an obligation to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. That is an obligation that presidents have enacted through signing statements going back to Jefferson. So, while the Supreme Court can be an arbiter of the Constitution, the fact is the president is the one, the only person who, by the Constitution, is given the responsibility to preserve, protect, and defend that document, so it is perfectly consistent with presidential authority under the Constitution itself. Snow was referring to the president's habit of signing bills into law accompanied by "statements" that, according to the American Bar Association, "assert President Bush's authority to disregard or decline to enforce laws adopted by Congress". All forty-two previous US presidents combined have signed statements exempting themselves from the provisions of 568 new laws, whereas Bush has, to date, exempted himself from more than 1,000. Failed Checks on Executive Ambition The current administration's perspective on political power is far from unique. Few, if any, presidents have refused the increased executive authority that is the natural byproduct of military Keynesianism. Moreover, the division of power between the president, the Congress, and the judiciary - often described as the bedrock of American democracy - has eroded significantly in recent years. The people, the press, and the military, too, seem anxious to cede power to a "wartime" president, leaving Bush, or those who follow him, almost entirely unobstructed in pursuing the imperial project. Congress: Corrupt and indifferent, Congress, which the Founders believed would be the leading branch of government, has already entirely forfeited the power to declare war. More recently, it gave the president the legal right to detain anyone, even American citizens, without warrant, and to detain non-citizens without recourse to habeas corpus, as well as to use a variety of interrogation methods that he could define, at his sole discretion, to be or not be torture. The Courts: The judicial branch is hardly more effective in restraining presidential ambition. The Supreme Court was active in the installation of the current president, and the lower courts increasingly are packed with judges who believe they should defer to his wishes. In 2006, for instance, US District Judge David Trager dismissed a suit by a thirty-five-year-old Canadian citizen, Maher Arar, who in 2002 was seized by US government agents at John F Kennedy Airport and delivered to Syria, where he was tortured for ten months before being released. No charges were filed against Arar, and his torturers eventually admitted he had no links to any crime. In explaining his dismissal, Trager noted with approval an earlier Supreme Court finding that such judgment would "threaten 'our customary policy of deference to the President in matters of foreign affairs'". The Military: It is possible that the US military could take over the government and declare a dictatorship. {5} That is how the Roman republic ended. For the military voluntarily to move toward direct rule, however, its leaders would have to ignore their ties to civilian society, where the symbolic importance of constitutional legitimacy remains potent. Rebellious officers may well worry about how the American people would react to such a move. Moreover, prosecutions of low-level military torturers from Abu Ghraib prison and killers of civilians in Iraq have demonstrated to enlisted ranks that obedience to illegal orders can result in their being punished, whereas officers go free. No one knows whether ordinary American soldiers would obey clearly illegal orders to oust an elected government or whether the officer corps has sufficient confidence to issue such orders. In addition, the present system already offers the military high command so much - in funds, prestige, and future employment via the military-industrial revolving door - that a perilous transition to anything resembling direct military rule would make little sense under reasonably normal conditions. The People: Could the people themselves restore constitutional government? A grassroots movement to break the hold of the military industrial complex and establish public financing of elections is conceivable. But, given the conglomerate control of the mass media and the difficulties of mobilizing the United States' large and diffuse population, it is unlikely. Moreover, the people themselves have enjoyed the Keynesian benefits of the US imperial project and - in all but a few cases - have not yet suffered any of its consequences. {6} Bankruptcy and Collapse The more likely check on presidential power, and on US military ambition, will be the economic failure that is the inevitable consequence of military Keynesianism. Traditional Keynesianism is a stable two-part system composed of deficit spending in bad times and debt payment in good times. Military Keynesianism is an unstable one-part system. With no political check, debt accrues until it reaches a crisis point. In the fiscal 2006 budget, the Congressional Research Service estimates that Pentagon spending on Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom will be about $10 billion per month or an extra $120.3 billion for the year. As of mid-2006, the overall cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan since their inception stood at more than $400 billion. Joseph Stiglitz, the Nobel Prize-winning economist, and his colleague, Linda Bilmes, have tried to put together an estimate of the real costs of the Iraq war. They calculate that it will cost about $2 trillion by 2015. The conservative American Enterprise Institute suggests a figure at the opposite end of the spectrum - $1 trillion. Both figures are an order of magnitude larger than what the Bush Administration publicly acknowledges. At the same time, the US trade deficit, the largest component of the current account deficit, soared to an all-time high in 2005 of $782.7 billion, the fourth consecutive year that America's trade debts set records. The trade deficit with China alone rose to $201.5 billion, the highest imbalance ever recorded with any country. Meanwhile, since mid-2000, the country has lost nearly three million manufacturing jobs. To try to cope with these imbalances, on March 16 2006, Congress raised the national debt limit from $8.2 trillion to $9 trillion. This was the fourth time since George W Bush took office that the limit had to be raised. Had Congress not raised it, the US government would not have been able to borrow more money and would have had to default on its massive debts. Among the creditors that finance this unprecedented sum, two of the largest are the central banks of China ($854 billion in reserves of dollars and other foreign currencies) and Japan ($850 billion), both of which are the managers of the huge trade surpluses these countries enjoy with the United States. This helps explain why the United States' debt burden has not yet triggered what standard economic theory would predict, which is a steep decline in the value of the US dollar followed by a severe contraction of the American economy - the Chinese and Japanese governments continue to be willing to be paid in dollars in order to sustain American demand for their exports. For the sake of domestic employment, both countries lend huge amounts to the American treasury, but there is no guarantee how long they will want or be able to do so. CONFIDENCE IN KEY JUDGMENTS It is difficult to predict the course of a democracy, and perhaps even more so when that democracy is as corrupt as that of the United States. With a new opposition party in the majority in the House, the country could begin a difficult withdrawal from military Keynesianism. Like the British after World War II, the United States could choose to keep its democracy by giving up its empire. The British did not do a particularly brilliant job of liquidating their empire, and there were several clear cases in which British imperialists defied their nation's commitment to democracy in order to keep their foreign privileges - Kenya in the 1950s is a particularly savage example - but the people of the British Isles did choose democracy over imperialism, and that nation continues to thrive as a nation, if not as an empire. It appears for the moment, however, that the people of the United States prefer the Roman approach and so will abet their government in maintaining a facade of constitutional democracy until the nation drifts into bankruptcy. Of course, bankruptcy will not mean the literal end of the United States any more than it did for Germany in 1923, China in 1948, or Argentina in 2001. It might, in fact, open the way for an unexpected restoration of the American system, or for military rule, revolution, or simply some new development we cannot yet imagine. Certainly, such a bankruptcy would mean a drastic lowering of the current American standard of living, a loss of control over international affairs, a process of adjusting to the rise of other powers, including China and India, and a further discrediting of the notion that the United States is somehow exceptional compared with other nations. The American people will be forced to learn what it means to be a far poorer nation and the attitudes and manners that go with it. {7} NOTES 1 The CIA's website defines a National Intelligence Estimate as "the most authoritative written judgment concerning a national security issue prepared by the Director of Central Intelligence." These forecasts of "future developments" and "their implications for the United States" seldom are made public, but there are exceptions. One was the NIE of September 2002 , "Iraq's Continuing Programs for Weapons of Mass Destruction", which became notorious because virtually every word in it was false. Another, an April 2006 ME entitled "Trends in Global Terrorism: Implications for the United States", was partly declassified by President Bush because its main conclusion - that "activists identifying themselves as jihads" are "increasing in both number and geographic dispersion" - had already been leaked to the press. 2 The CIA is prohibited from writing an NIE on the United States, and so I have here attempted to do so myself, using the standard format for such estimates. I have some personal knowledge of NIEs because from 1967 to 1973 I served as an outside consultant to the CIA's Office of National Estimates. I was one of about a dozen so-called experts invited to read draft NIEs in order to provide quality control and prevent bureaucratic logrolling. 3 Military Keynesianism, it turns out, is not the only way to boost an economy. 4 In a January 2006 debate, Yoo was asked if any law could stop the president, if he "deems that he's got to torture somebody", from, say, "crushing the testicles of the person's child". Yoo's response: "I think it depends on why the president thinks he needs to do that". 5 Though they undoubtedly would find a more user-friendly name for it. 6 In 2003, when the Iraq war began, the citizens of the United States could at least claim that it was the work of an administration that had lost the popular vote. But in 2004, Bush won that vote by more than three million ballots, making his war ours. 7 National Intelligence Estimates seldom contain startling new data. To me they always read like magazine articles or well-researched and footnoted graduate seminar papers. When my wife once asked me what was so secret about them, I answered that perhaps it was the fact that this was the best we could do. _____ Chalmers Johnson is the author of Blowback (Metropolitan, 2000), The Sorrows of Empire (Metropolitan, 2004), and, most recently, Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic, which will be published in February by Metropolitan Books. His last article for Harper's Magazine, "The War Business: Squeezing a Profit from the Wreckage in Iraq", appeared in the November 2003 issue. http://www.billtotten.blogspot.com http://www.ashisuto.co.jp From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Mon Jan 22 12:50:38 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H95Be-0002dR-Hh for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 12:50:38 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 14:56:30 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2007 14:55:25 -0500 Message-ID: <003401c73e5f$42746cd0$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 Thread-Index: Acc+X0IlcSfOpDtfR1+JuV7JXQLAlw== X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Theses On Feuerbach X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2007 19:50:38 -0000 >> Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.<< Comment Once an activist or insurgent has crossed the point of discourse based on philosophy, - a point Marx himself helped us cross, hence his importance in world history, the above propositions shifts. Actually the point is to change it . . . the world, in a specific direction and according to a specific vision of that, which is possible. This requires taking into account the positive and negative - if you will, experiences and lessons taught to humanity between the time Marx wrote this famous passage and January 2007. Melvin P. ^^^^^ CB: Yes, the world has changed since Marx's day, so the changes aimed at today must take into account a different situation. Marx, more than many, did change the world especially through the Great October Revolution, and that change has had a lot of impact on the shape of the world we must change today. From lixiang@asiamail.com Mon Jan 22 18:47:32 2007 Received: from webmail-outgoing.us4.outblaze.com ([205.158.62.67]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H9Al2-0004gu-3C for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Mon, 22 Jan 2007 18:47:32 -0700 Received: from unknown (unknown [192.168.9.180]) by webmail-outgoing.us4.outblaze.com (Postfix) with QMQP id 8DD611800129 for ; Tue, 23 Jan 2007 01:52:54 +0000 (GMT) X-OB-Received: from unknown (205.158.62.131) by wfilter.us4.outblaze.com; 23 Jan 2007 01:52:54 -0000 Received: by ws5-1.us4.outblaze.com (Postfix, from userid 1001) id 83EE74387A; Tue, 23 Jan 2007 01:52:54 +0000 (GMT) Content-Disposition: inline Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Type: text/plain; charset="gb2312" MIME-Version: 1.0 From: lixiang@asiamail.com To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu Date: Tue, 23 Jan 2007 09:52:54 +0800 Received: from [219.232.43.163] by ws5-1.us4.outblaze.com with http for lixiang@asiamail.com; Tue, 23 Jan 2007 09:52:54 +0800 X-Originating-Ip: 219.232.43.163 X-Originating-Server: ws5-1.us4.outblaze.com Message-Id: <20070123015254.83EE74387A@ws5-1.us4.outblaze.com> Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Can I post in Chinese? X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Tue, 23 Jan 2007 01:47:32 -0000 Can you help the BEIJING BUS INDEPENDENT TRADE UNION? Visit http://mumu.jco= nserv.net? Can you publicize our idea,on your site,on blogs? Rebels in China are in danger? Regards, LX --=20 _______________________________________________ Get your free email from http://freemail.asiamail.com From cbrown@michiganlegal.org Wed Jan 24 11:19:44 2007 Received: from mail3.infoquesthosting.net ([65.61.1.52]) by lists.econ.utah.edu with esmtp (Exim 4.50) id 1H9mil-0006HQ-Pl for marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu; Wed, 24 Jan 2007 11:19:44 -0700 Received: from MLSPSH2 (unverified [67.38.4.125]) by mail3.infoquesthosting.net (Rockliffe SMTPRA 6.0.11) with ESMTP id for ; Wed, 24 Jan 2007 13:25:40 -0500 From: "Charles Brown" To: Date: Wed, 24 Jan 2007 13:24:33 -0500 Message-ID: <002a01c73fe4$e570b250$0efea8c0@MLSPSH2> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable X-Mailer: Microsoft Office Outlook 11 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 Thread-Index: Acc/4oGWLkDxF74aSFqlpEH7nyzkuAAAk2BA X-Mailman-Approved-At: Wed, 24 Jan 2007 11:46:48 -0700 Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] FW: World Trade Needs a Global Cartel for Labor (OLEC) X-BeenThere: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu X-Mailman-Version: 2.1.5 Precedence: list Reply-To: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Id: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the thinkers he inspired List-Unsubscribe: , List-Archive: List-Post: List-Help: List-Subscribe: , X-List-Received-Date: Wed, 24 Jan 2007 18:19:44 -0000 -----Original Message----- From: Charles Brown [mailto:cbrown@michiganlegal.org]=20 Sent: Wednesday, January 24, 2007 1:07 PM To: 'DetroitMWM-committee@googlegroups.com' Subject: World Trade Needs a Global Cartel for Labor (OLEC)=20 =20 =20 ________________________________ =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 =09 World Trade Needs a Global Cartel for Labor (OLEC)=20 Part I: Background and Theory=20 By Henry C.K. Liu=20 This series appeared in Asia Times in February-March 2006 The global economy as currently constituted does not operate with a free market by any stretch of imagination, the propaganda of neo-liberal free traders notwithstanding. For this reason, there is a need for a global cartel for labor. Three related facts combine to make the global market not free. The = first fact is that global trade is carried out under an international finance architecture based on dollar hegemony, which is a peculiar arrangement = in which the dollar, a fiat paper currency backed by nothing of intrinsic value, can be printed at will by the US, and only the US, thus making = export for dollars a game of shipping real wealth overseas for paper that is = only usable in the dollar economy and useless domestically in all other non-dollar countries. Key commodities, such as oil, are denominated in dollars primarily because of US geopolitical prowess. Most economies = need dollars to buy imported oil, but the exporting economies buy much more = oil than they otherwise need domestically merely to satisfy the energy needs = of their export sectors. The net monetized trade surplus from exports in = the form of dollars, after paying for dollar-denominated oil and other = imports, remains useless in the domestic markets of the exporting economies. Thus dollar hegemony reduces the non-dollar exporting economies to an absurd position of the more dollars from trade surplus they accumulate, the = poorer they become domestically. This absurd position is further exacerbated = if domestic wages are kept low by export policy in order to compete for = more global market share to earn dollars. It is a case of starving one=92s = own children to provide free child labor to serve ice cream to outsiders. = It is bad enough to exchange valuable goods for fiat paper; it is outright foolhardiness to keep domestic wages low merely to earn fiat paper that cannot even be spent in one=92s own economy. The second fact that makes the global market not free comes from neoclassical economics=92 flawed definition of labor productivity as the amount of market value a worker can produced with a given unit of = capital investment. Since according to monetary economics, market value, which = is expressed as price, needs to remain stable to prevent inflation, labor productivity in financial terms can only be increased with declining = wages per unit of capital. Further, price competition for market share = directly depresses wages. Even if wages can at times rise in monetary terms, the ratio of wages to the market value of production must constantly fall in order for increased labor productivity to be monetized as profit. Thus profits from trade under this flawed definition of productivity = ultimately can only be derived from falling wages. The concept of surplus value = within the context of the labor theory of value as explained by Marx embodies = this structural compulsion. Yet Marx was speaking of the structural effect of fair profits, not the obscene profits that are now the norm from = sweatshops in the deregulated global market. Neoclassical economics replaces the = labor theory of value with the theory of marginal utility in which price is defined as the intersection of supply and demand in a free market. = William Stanley Jevon (Theory of Political Economy 1817), Carl Menger = (Principles of Economics 1871), and Leon Walrus (Elements of Pure Economics 1877) promulgated the marginal utility, neoclassical revolution. Yet today=92s allegedly free market effectively deprives labor of any pricing power = over its market value. Since capitalism does not recognize any ceiling for = fair profit, always celebrating the tenet of the more the merrier, it must by implication oppose any floor for fair wages, to validate the opposite = tenet of the lower the merrier. The terms of global trade then are based on seeking the lowest wages for the highest profit, rather than fair wages = for fair profit. This is the linkage between neo-liberal capitalistic globalization and wage arbitrage, both in the domestic labor market and across national borders. Yet in a consumer-based global market economy, = low wages lead directly into overcapacity because consumer demand depends on high wages. The adverse effect on consumer demand from the quest for = maximum profit is the critical internal contradiction of the deregulated capitalistic market economy. The third fact that makes the global market not free is that while = financial globalization facilitates unrestricted cross-border mobility of capital around the globe, obdurate immobility of workers across national borders continues to be maintained through government restrictions on = immigration. Free trade advocates, from Adam Smith (1723-1790) to David Ricardo (1772-1823), in considering the relationship between capital and labor, treat the mobility disparity between capital and labor as a nature = state, never entertaining that it is a mere political idiosyncrasy. This = =93natural=94 immobility of labor might have been reality in the 18th Century, but it = is no longer natural in the jet-age global economy of the 21st Century in = which mobility has become a natural characteristic. Labor immobility deprives labor of pricing power in a global market by preventing workers to go to where they are needed most and where market wages are highest, while = capital is free to go where it is need most and where return on investment is highest. This econ-political regime against labor mobility, coupled = with unrestrained cross-border mobility of capital, maintains a = location-bound wage disparity that has created profit opportunities for cross-border = wage arbitrage, in a downward spiral for all wages everywhere. Greenspan Supports More Immigration for the US Economy In January 2000, when the US unemployment rate reached 4.1% (4.7% in = January 2006), the low end of structural unemployment without wage-pushed = inflation, employers found it difficult to fill low-pay agricultural, meat and = poultry packing and health services jobs, as well as high-pay high-tech = information technology and software design jobs. The problem led the Federal Reserve = to become concerned about possible wage-pushed inflation. It forced = lawmakers to sponsor legislation which would make it easier for farmers, meat processors, and high-tech industries to import temporary workers through exemptions in immigration restrictions. Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan told Congress that increasing immigrant numbers in areas where workers are difficult to find could relieve stress in the job market and therefore wage-pushed inflation. Consistent with the Fed=92s warped mission of maintaining structural unemployment to contain inflation, Greenspan = said: =93Aggregative demand is putting very significant pressures on an ever-decreasing available supply of unemployed labor. The one obvious = means that one can use to offset that is expanding the number of people we = allow in. Reviewing our immigration laws in the context of the type of economy which we will be enjoying in the decade ahead is clearly on the table in = my judgment.=94 Congress showed no enthusiasm for Greenspan=92s suggestion = of permanent immigration liberalization along with global finance liberalization. Farm growers in the US had hoped to increase the number of immigrant = farm workers by attaching a provision in their interest to the highly favored high-technology industry's legislation to increase the number of = high-tech immigrant workers. In 2000, high-tech immigration legislation seemed = likely to pass Congress until the Clinton administration began attaching legislative riders that would give Latin American refuges legal = permanent residency. In addition, the Clinton administration wanted to grant = amnesty to a large number of illegal immigrants, most of whom were Hispanics. = This political maneuvering stopped the pending high-tech legislation dead in = its tracks because Republicans feared that the Democrats were attaching such legislative riders in order to gain support from the large number of Hispanic voters. The shortage of high-tech workers forced the industry = to move operations overseas, at first not to save money on wages, but to = find available workers. The labor unions reacted to immigration with = traditional phobia, viewing it as a development that would keep wages low, rather = than a new source for reversing the steady decline in membership. Yet = employment data showed that high-tech immigrant workers did not lower wages during = the high-tech boom in the US. What eventually lowered high-tech wages in = the US was overcapacity resulting from overinvestment caused by excessive debt = and inadequate consumer demand resulting from stagnant wages. After its collapse, the US high-tech sector recovered by outsourcing manufacturing jobs to low-wage countries, leaving consumer demand to be sustained by = an expanding debt-driven asset bubble. Three years later, Greenspan took up another argument on behalf of immigration: this time in response to the actuary dilemma facing social security. On February 27, 2003, Greenspan, testifying before the Senate Special Committee on Aging, chaired by Sen. Larry Craig (R-ID), = described the economic impact of an aging US population, which would lead to slow natural population growth that would result in slow economic growth, diminishing growth in the labor force, and an increase in the ratio of = the retired elderly to the working-age population. By 2030, the growth of = the US workforce will slow from 1% to =BD%, according to census projections = cited by Greenspan. At the same time, the percentage of the population over 65 = years old will rise from 13% to 20%. Greenspan described how the aging = population would have significant adverse fiscal effects. =93In particular, it = makes our social security and Medicare programs unsustainable in the long run, = short of a major increase in immigration rates, a dramatic acceleration in productivity growth well beyond historic experience, a significant = increase in the age of eligibility for benefits, or the use of general revenues = to fund benefits,=94 Greenspan warned. According to Greenspan, immigration = could prove a most potent antidote for slowing growth in the working-age population. As the influx of foreign workers in response to the tight = labor markets of the 1990s showed, immigration does respond to labor = shortages. An expansion of labor-force participation by immigrants and the healthy elderly offers some offset to an aging population. =93Fortunately, the = US economy is uniquely well suited to make those adjustments=94 said = Greenspan. =93Our open labor markets can adapt to the differing needs and abilities = of our older population. Our capital markets can allow for the creation and rapid adoption of new labor-saving technologies, and our open society = has been receptive to immigrants. All these factors put us in a good = position to adjust to the [impacts] of an aging population.=94 Short of a major = increase in immigration, economic growth cannot be safely counted upon to = eliminate deficits and the difficult choices that will be required to restore = fiscal discipline," said Greenspan=92s semiannual report To Congress on = monetary policy , submitted Feb. 11, 2003. Also, immigrants tend to have higher birth rate than native-born citizens. This would moderate the aging population trend. Still, anti-immigration phobia continue to rise in the US, as reflected = by CNN personality Lou Dobbs, recipient of the 2004 Man of the Year Award = from The Organization for the Rights of American Workers for his tilted = coverage of the national debate on jobs, global trade and outsourcing. Dobbs was = also a recipient of the Eugene Katz Award for Excellence in the Coverage of Immigration from the Center for Immigration Studies for his ongoing = series "Broken Borders," which criticizes US policy on illegal immigration and = the Bush Administration=92s =93guest worker=94 program and proposals for = immigration amnesty, not withstanding that if his crusade should bear fruit, there = would be no one to clean his broadcast studio every night. Time is Ripe for a Global Cartel for Labor In a world operating under the rules of political economy, the idea of a global cartel for labor, to be known as Organization of Labor-intensive Exporting Countries (OLEC), can help to level the playing field between capital and labor. It is a timely political concept with important = positive economic implications in this age of deregulated finance globalization. = In finance capitalism, both capital and labor are viewed as mere = commodities, not unlike other basic commodities, most notably oil. All commodities command a price in the market by their sellers exercising fair pricing power. They do this by withholding supply from the market until the = price is right and fair. If OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) members can form a global cartel for oil to control and raise oil prices = in the global market for their collective benefit at the same time claiming benefits for the global economy, low-wage manufacture exporting = countries can also form a similar cartel for global labor to control and raise = wages worldwide with a long-range strategy that would be good for the global economy. The objectives of OLEC would be to coordinate and unify labor policies = among member countries in order to secure fair, uniform and stable prices for labor in the global market and an efficient, economic and regular supply = of labor to provide a fair return on capital to maximize growth in the = global economy. The ultimate aim is to implement a trade regime in which profitability is tied to rising wages. Towards these objectives, the successful experience of OPEC can be a useful guide. Just as OPEC = allows different grades of oil to command different prices tied to a bench = mark, OLEC will aim to set a price bench mark for labor around which flexible price ranges will reflect factors that affect productivity. The aim is = to stop the downward spiral of wages caused by predatory wage policies. OPEC is a permanent, intergovernmental Organization, created at the = Baghdad Conference on September 10=9614, 1960, by Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi = Ara