[A-List] The Day the American Empire Ran Out of Gas

[Bill Totten]

by Gore Vidal

Chapter Three of Imperial America (Nation Books, 2005)


On September 16 1985, when the Commerce Department announced that the 
United States had become a debtor nation, the American Empire was as dead,
theoretically, as its predecessor, the British. Our empire was seventy-one years
old and had been in ill financial health since 1968. Like most modern empires,
ours rested not so much on military prowess as on economic primacy. {1}

After the French Revolution, the world money power shifted from Paris to London.
For three generations, the British maintained an old-fashioned colonial empire,
as well as a modern empire based on London's supremacy in the money markets.
Then, in 1914, New York replaced London as the world's financial capital. Before
1914, the United States had been a developing country, dependent on outside
investment. But with the shift of the money power from Old World to New, what
had been a debtor nation became a creditor nation and the central motor to the
world's economy. All in all, the English were well pleased to have us take their
place. They were too few in number for so big a task. As early as the turn of
the century, they were eager for us not only to help them out financially, but
to continue, on their behalf, the destiny of the Anglo-Saxon race: to bear with
courage the white man's burden, as Rudyard Kipling not so tactfully put it. Were
we not - English and Americans - all Anglo-Saxons, united by common blood, laws,
language? Well, no, we were not. But our differences were not so apparent then.
In any case, we took the job. We would supervise and civilize the lesser breeds.
We would make money.

By the end of the Second World War, we were the most powerful and least damaged
of the great nations. We also had most of the money. America's peaceful hegemony
lasted exactly five years. Then the cold and hot wars began. Our masters would
have us believe that all our problems are the fault of the Evil Empire of the
East, with its satanic and atheistic religion, ever ready to destroy us in the
night. This nonsense began at a time when we had atomic weapons and the Russians
did not. They had lost twenty million of their people in the war, and eight
million of them before the war, thanks to their neo-conservative Mongolian
political system. Most important, there was never any chance, then or now, of
the money power shifting from New York to Moscow.

What was - and is - the reason for the big scare? Well, the Second World War
made prosperous the United States, which had been undergoing a depression for a
dozen years, and made very rich those magnates and their managers who govern the
republic, with many a wink, in the people's name. In order to maintain a general
prosperity (and enormous wealth for the few) they decided that we would become
the world's policeman, perennial shield against the Mongol hordes. We shall have
an arms race, said one of the high priests, John Foster Dulles, and we shall win
it because the Russians will go broke first. We were then put on a permanent
wartime economy, which is why close to two-thirds of the government's revenues
are constantly being siphoned off to pay for what is euphemistically called
"defense".

As early as 1950, Albert Einstein understood the nature of the rip-off. He said,
"The men who possess real power in the country have no intention of ending the
cold war". Thirty-five years later they are still at it, making money while the
nation itself declines to eleventh place in world per-capita income, to
forty-sixth place in literacy and so on, until last summer (not suddenly, I fear)
we found ourselves close to $2 trillion in debt. Then, in the fall, the money
power shifted from New York to Tokyo, and that looked to be the end of our
empire. Now the long-feared Asiatic colossus takes its turn as the world leader,
and we - the white race - have become the yellow man's burden. Let us hope that
he will treat us more kindly than we treated him. {2} In any case, if the
foreseeable future is not nuclear, it will be Asiatic, some combination of
Japan's advanced technology with China's resourceful landmass. Europe and 
the United States will then be, simply, irrelevant to the world that matters,
and so we come full circle: Europe began as the relatively empty uncivilized
Wild West of Asia; then the Western Hemisphere became the Wild West of Europe.
Now the sun is setting in our West and rising once more in the East.

The British used to say that their empire was obtained in a fit of
absentmindedness. They exaggerate, of course; on the other hand, our modern
empire was carefully thought out by four men. In 1890 a US Navy captain, 
Alfred Thayer Mahan, wrote the blueprint for the American imperium, 
The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783 (Dover Publications; New Ed
edition, 1987). Then Mahan's friend, the historian-geopolitician Brooks Adams,
younger brother of Henry, came up with the following formula: "All civilization
is centralization. All centralization is economy." He applied the formula in the
following syllogism: "Under economical centralization, Asia is cheaper than
Europe. The world tends to economic centralization. Therefore, Asia tends to
survive and Europe to perish." Ultimately, that is why we were in Vietnam. The
amateur historian and professional politician Theodore Roosevelt was much under
the influence of Adams and Mahan; he was also their political instrument, most
active not so much during his presidency as during the crucial war with Spain,
where he can take a good deal of credit for our seizure of the Philippines,
which made us a world empire. Finally, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Roosevelt's
closest friend, kept in line a Congress that had a tendency to forget our holy
mission - our manifest destiny - and ask, rather wistfully, for internal
improvements.

From the beginning of our republic, we have had imperial longings. We took care
- as we continue to take care - of the indigenous American population. We
maintained slavery a bit too long, even by a cynical worlds tolerant standards.
Then, in 1846, we produced our first conquistador, President James K Polk. 
After acquiring Texas, Polk deliberately started a war with Mexico because, 
as he later told the historian George Bancroft, we had to acquire California.
Thanks to Polk, we did. And that is why to this day the Mexicans refer to our
southwestern states as "the occupied lands", which Hispanics are now, quite
sensibly, filling up.

The case against empire began as early as 1847. Representative Abraham Lincoln
did not think much of Polk's war, while Lieutenant Ulysses S Grant, who fought
at Veracruz, said in his memoirs, "The war was an instance of a republic
following the bad example of European monarchies, in not considering the justice
in their desire to acquire additional territory". He went on to make a causal
link, something not usual in our politics then and completely unknown now: "The
Southern rebellion was largely the outgrowth of the Mexican War. Nations, like
individuals, are punished for their transgressions. We got our punishment in the
most sanguinary and expensive war of modern times."

But the empire has always had more supporters than opponents. By 1895 we had
filled up our section of North America. We had tried twice - and failed - to
conquer Canada. We had taken everything that we wanted from Mexico. Where next?
Well, there was the Caribbean at our front door and the vast Pacific at our back.
Enter the Four Horsemen - Mahan, Adams, Roosevelt, and Lodge.

The original republic was thought out carefully, and openly, in The Federalist
Papers: We were not going to have a monarchy, and we were not going to have a
democracy. And to this day we have had neither. For two hundred years we have
had an oligarchical system in which men of property can do well and others are
on their own. Or, as Brooks Adams put it, the sole problem of our ruling class
is whether to coerce or bribe the powerless majority. The so-called Great
Society bribed; today coercion is very much in the air. Happily, our
neo-conservative Mongoloids favor authoritarian if not totalitarian means of
coercion.

Unlike the republic, the empire was worked out largely in secret. Captain Mahan,
in a series of lectures delivered at the Naval War College, compared the United
States with England. Each was essentially an island state that could prevail in
the world only through sea power. England had already proved his thesis. 
Now the United States must do the same. We must build a great navy in order to
acquire overseas possessions. Since great navies are expensive, the wealth of
new colonies must be used to pay for our fleets. In fact, the more colonies
acquired, the more ships; the more ships, the more empire. Mahan's thesis is
agreeably circular. He showed how small England has ended up with most of Africa
and all of southern Asia, thanks to sea power. He thought that we should do the
same. The Caribbean was our first and easiest target. Then on to the Pacific
Ocean, with all its islands. And, finally, to China, which was breaking up as 
a political entity.

Theodore Roosevelt and Brooks Adams were tremendously excited by this prospect.
At the time, Roosevelt was a mere police commissioner in New York City, but he
had dreams of imperial glory. "He wants to be", snarled Henry Adams, "our
Dutch-American Napoleon". Roosevelt began to maneuver his way toward the heart
of power, sea power. With Lodge's help, he got himself appointed assistant
secretary of the navy, under a weak secretary and a mild president. Now he 
was in place to modernize the fleet and acquire colonies. Hawaii was annexed.
Then a part of Samoa. Finally, colonial Cuba, somehow, had to be liberated from
Spain's tyranny. At the Naval War College, Roosevelt declared, "to prepare for
war is the most effectual means to promote peace". How familiar that sounds! 
But since the United States had no enemies as of June 1897, a contemporary might
have remarked that since we were already at peace with everyone, why prepare for
war? Today, of course, we are what he dreamed we would be, a nation armed to the
teeth, hostile to everyone and eager to strike preemptively, at presidential
command. But what with Roosevelt was a design to acquire an empire is for us a
means to transfer money from the Treasury to the various defense industries
which, in turn, pay for the elections of Congress and president.

Our turn-of-the-century imperialists may have been wrong, and I think they were.
But they were intelligent men with a plan, and the plan worked. Aided by Lodge
in the Senate, Brooks Adams in the press, Admiral Mahan at the Naval War College,
the young assistant secretary of the navy began to build up the fleet and look
for enemies. After all, as Brooks Adams proclaimed, "war is the solvent". 
But war with whom? And for what? And where? At one point England seemed a likely
enemy. There was a boundary dispute over Venezuela, which meant that we could
invoke the all-purpose Monroe Doctrine (the invention of John Quincy Adams,
Brooks's grandfather). But as we might have lost such a war, nothing happened.
Nevertheless, Roosevelt kept on beating his drum: "No triumph of peace", he
shouted, "can equal the armed triumph of war". Also: "We must take Hawaii in the
interests of the white race". Even Henry Adams, who found TR tiresome and Brooks,
his own brother, brilliant but mad, suddenly declared, "In another fifty years ...
the white race will have to reconquer the tropics by war and nomadic invasion,
or be shut up north of the 50th parallel". And so at the century's end, our most
distinguished ancestral voices were not prophesying, but praying for war.

An American warship, the Maine, blew up in Havana harbor. We held Spain
responsible; thus, we got what John Hay called "a splendid little war". 
We would liberate Cuba, drive Spain from the Caribbean. As for the Pacific, 
even before the Maine was sunk, Roosevelt had ordered Commodore Dewey and his
fleet to the Spanish Philippines - just in case. Spain promptly collapsed, 
and we inherited its Pacific and Caribbean colonies. Admiral Mahan's plan 
was working triumphantly.

In time we allowed Cuba the appearance of freedom while holding on to Puerto
Rico. Then President William McKinley, after an in-depth talk with God, decided
that we should also keep the Philippines, in order, he said, to Christianize
them. When reminded that the Filipinos were Roman Catholics, the president said,
Exactly. We must Christianize them. Although Philippine nationalists had been
our allies against Spain, we promptly betrayed them and their leader, Emilio
Aguinaldo. As a result it took us several years to conquer the Philippines, and
tens - some say hundreds - of thousands of Filipinos died that our empire might
grow.
 
The war was the making of Theodore Roosevelt. Surrounded by the flower of the
American press, he led a group of so-called Rough Riders up a very small hill 
in Cuba. As a result of this proto-photo opportunity he became a national hero,
governor of New York, McKinley's running mate and, when McKinley was killed in
1901, president.

Not everyone liked the new empire. After Manila, Mark Twain thought that the
stars and bars of the American flag should be replaced by a skull and crossbones.
He also said, "We cannot maintain an empire in the Orient and maintain a
republic in America". He was right, of course. But as he was only a writer who
said funny things, he was ignored. The compulsively vigorous Roosevelt defended
our war against the Philippine population, and he attacked the likes of Twain.
"Every argument that can be made for the Filipinos could be made for the Apaches",
he explained, with his lovely gift for analogy. "And every word that can be said
for Aguinaldo could be said for Sitting Bull. As peace, order and prosperity
followed our expansion over the land of the Indians, so they will follow us in
the Philippines."

Despite the criticism of the few, the Four Horsemen had pulled it off. 
The United States was a world empire. And one of the horsemen not only got 
to be president but, for his pious meddling in the Russo-Japanese conflict, 
our greatest apostle of war was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. One must never
underestimate Scandinavian wit.

Empires are restless organisms. They must constantly renew themselves; should an
empire start leaking energy, it will die. Not for nothing were the Adams
brothers fascinated by entropy. By energy. By force. Brooks Adams, as usual,
said the unsayable: "Laws are a necessity" he declared. "Laws are made by the
strongest and they must and shall be obeyed". Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr, thought
this a wonderful observation, while the philosopher William James came to a
similar conclusion, which can also be detected, like an invisible dynamo, at the
heart of the novels of his brother Henry.

According to Brooks Adams, "The most difficult problem of modern times is
unquestionably how to protect property under popular governments". The Four
Horsemen fretted a lot about this. They need not have. We have never had a
popular government in the sense that they feared, nor are we in any danger now.
Our only political party has two right wings, one called Republican, the other
Democratic. But Henry Adams figured all that out back in the 1890s. "We have a
single system", he wrote, and "in that system the only question is the price at
which the proletariat is to be bought and sold, the bread and circuses". 
But none of this was for public consumption. Publicly, the Four Horsemen and
their outriders spoke of the American mission to bring all the world freedom and
peace - through slavery and war, if necessary. Privately, their constant fear
was that the weak masses might combine one day against the strong few, their
natural leaders, and take away their money. As early as the election of 1876,
socialism had been targeted as a vast evil that must never be allowed to corrupt
simple American persons. When Christianity was invoked as the natural enemy of
those who might limit the rich and their games, the combination of cross and
dollar sign proved - and proves - irresistible.

During the first decade of the disagreeable twentieth century, the great world
fact was the internal collapse of China. Who could pick up the pieces? Britain
grabbed Kowloon; Russia was busy in the north; the Kaiser's fleet prowled the
China coast; Japan was modernizing itself and biding its time. Although Theodore
Roosevelt lived and died a dedicated racist, the Japanese puzzled him. After
they sank the Russian fleet, Roosevelt decided that they were to be respected
and feared even though they were our racial inferiors. For those Americans who
served in the Second World War, it was an article of faith - as of 1941, anyway
- that the Japanese could never win a modern war. Because of their slant eyes,
they would not be able to master aircraft. Then they sank our fleet at Pearl
Harbor.

Jingoism aside, Brooks Adams was a good analyst. In the 1890s he wrote: "Russia,
to survive, must undergo a social revolution internally and/or expand externally.
She will try to move into Shansi Province, richest prize in the world. Should
Russia and Germany combine ..." That was the nightmare of the Four Horsemen. At
a time when simpler folk feared the rise of Germany alone, Brooks Adams saw the
world ultimately polarized between Russia and the United States, with China as
the common prize. American maritime power versus Russia's landmass. That is why,
quite seriously, he wanted to extend the Monroe Doctrine to the Pacific Ocean.
For him, "War [was] the ultimate form of economic competition".

We are now at the end of the twentieth century. England, France, and Germany
have all disappeared from the imperial stage. China is now reassembling itself,
and Confucius, greatest of all political thinkers, is again at the center of the
Middle Kingdom. Japan has the world money power but needs a landmass; China now
seems ready to go into business with its ancient enemy. Wars of the sort that
the Four Horsemen enjoyed are, if no longer possible, no longer practical. {3}
Today's true conquests are shifts of currency by computer and the manufacture of
those things that people everywhere are willing to buy.

I have said very little about writers because writers have figured very little
in our imperial story. The founders of both republic and empire wrote well:
Jefferson and Hamilton, Lincoln and Grant. TR, and the Adamses. Today public
figures can no longer write their own speeches or books, and there is some
evidence that they can't read them, either.

Yet at the dawn of the empire, for a brief instant, our professional writers
tended to make a difference. Upton Sinclair and company attacked the excesses of
the ruling class. Theodore Roosevelt coined the word "muckraking" to describe
what they were doing. He did not mean the word as praise. Since then a few of
our writers have written on public themes, but as they are not taken seriously,
they have ended by not taking themselves seriously, at least as citizens of a
republic. After all, most writers are paid by universities, and it is not wise
to be thought critical of a garrison state which spends so much money on so many
campuses.

When Confucius was asked what would be the first thing that he would do if he
were to lead the state - a never-to-be-fulfilled dream - he said, Rectify the
language. This is wise. This is subtle. As societies grow decadent, the language
grows decadent, too. Words are used to disguise, not to illuminate, action: You
liberate a city by destroying it. Words are used to confuse, so that at election
time people will solemnly vote against their own interests. Finally, words must
be so twisted as to justify an empire that has now ceased to exist, much less
make sense. Is rectification of our system possible for us? Henry Adams thought
not. In 1910 he wrote: "The whole fabric of society will go to wrack if we
really lay hands of reform on our rotten institutions". Then he added, 
"From top to bottom the whole system is a fraud, all of us know it, laborers 
and capitalists alike, and all of us are consenting parties to it". Since then
consent has grown frayed; we have become poor; our people sullen.

To maintain a thirty-five-year arms race it is necessary to have a fearsome
enemy. Not since the invention of the Wizard of Oz have American publicists
created anything quite so demented as the idea that the Soviet Union is a
monolithic, omnipotent empire with tentacles everywhere on earth, intent on our
destruction, which will surely take place unless we constantly imitate it with
our war machine and secret services.

In actual fact, the Soviet Union is a Second World country with a First World
military capacity. Frighten the Russians sufficiently and they might blow us up.
By the same token, as our republic now begins to crack under the vast expense of
maintaining a mindless imperial force, we might try to blow them up.
Particularly if we had a president who really was a twice-born Christian and
believed that the good folks would all go to heaven (where they were headed
anyway) and the bad folks would go where they belong.

Even worse than the not-very-likely prospect of a nuclear war - deliberate or by
accident - is the economic collapse of our society because too many of our
resources have been wasted on the military. The Pentagon is like a black hole;
what goes in is forever lost to us, and no new wealth is created. Hence, our
cities, whose centers are unlivable; our crime rate, the highest in the Western
world; a public education system that has given up ... you know the litany.

There is now only one way out. The time has come for the United States to make
common cause with the Soviet Union. The bringing together of the Soviet landmass
(with all its natural resources) and our island empire (with all its
technological resources) would be of great benefit to each society, not to
mention the world. Also, to recall the wisdom of the Four Horsemen who gave us
our empire, the Soviet Union and our section of North America combined would be
a match, industrially and technologically, for the Sino-Japanese axis that will
dominate the future just as Japan dominates world trade as of today. But where
the horsemen thought of war as the supreme solvent, we now know that war is
worse than useless. Therefore, the alliance of the two great powers of the
Northern Hemisphere will double the strength of each and give us, working
together, an opportunity to survive, economically, in a highly centralized
Asiatic world. {4}


Notes

{1} Could it have been these words of mine that stimulated a small group 
of radicals, soon to call themselves "neo-conservatives", to conspire to
propagandize us toward perpetual war to gain military primacy globally to
compensate for loss of economic primacy?

{2} Believe it or not, this plain observation was interpreted as a racist
invocation of "The Yellow Peril"!

{3} Our ongoing failures in Iraq and Afghanistan prove this fact.

{4} The suggestion that the United States and the USSR join forces set 
alarm bells ringing in Freedom's Land. The Israel lobby, in particular.

_____

Originally published in The Nation (January 11 1986)


Bill Totten     http://billtotten.blogspot.com/